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MORMONISM UNVEILED; 



OE 



THE LIFE AND CONFESSIONS 



OF THE LATE MORMON BISHOP, 



JOHN D. LEE; 

(^Written by Himself) 



^EMBRACING A HISTORY OF MORMONISM FROM ITS INCEPTION 
DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME, WITH AN EXPOSI- 
TION OF THE SECRET HISTORY, SIGNS, 
SYMBOLS AND CRIMES OF THE 
MORMON CHURCH. 



ALSO THE TRUE HISTORY OF THE HORRIBLE BUTCHERY KNOWN AS 



THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE. 



ILLUSTRATED 



BRYAN, BRAND <& CO., 

18 77. 






Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1877, by 

BRYAN, BRAND & CO., 
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



I 

•'f 



Bkoktold a Co., Bindebs, 
215 Pine Street. 



Press of Clias. B. Woodward & Co. 
915 .<i 917 X. Cth st. St. Louis. 



/^V^^ 



PUBLISHERS' PREFACE. 



"TOHN D. LEE'S prominent connection with the Mormon 
'^ Church, and the almost universal desire on the part of the 
public to know the secrets that he could tell, gave a pecuUar 
interest to the life and doings of this man, and led to a general 
inquiry for his Autobiography and Confessions. This has caused 
the publication of several pretended "Lives and Confessions of 
John D. Lee,*' the materials for which were collected from 
fragmentary newspaper reports, and advertised by certain un- 
scrupulous publishers as genuine. We therefore deem it but 
simple justice to those who may read this book, to state how we 
obtained the true and only Life and Confessions of John 
D. Lee. 

It was stated at the time of Lee's execution that he had left 
the manuscripts of his Life and Confessions with his confiden- 
tial attorney for publication. We at once wrote to Col. Wm. 
Nelson, U. S. Marshal of Utah Territory, requesting him to 
give us the address of Lee's attorney. He replied promptly, 
stating that Mr. W. W. Bishop, of Pioche, Nevada, was the 
man. We immediately entered into correspondence with Mr. 
Bishop, and made a contract with him for the publication of the 
work. 

In proof of the fact that this is the genuine and only genuine 
Life and Confessions of John D. Lee, we refer to Col. Wm. 
Nelson, U. S. Marshal Utah Territory; Hon. Wm. Stokes, 
Deputy U. S. Marshal, U. T. ; Hon. Sumner Howard, U. S. 
Attorney, U. T. ; the editor of the Salt Lake Tribune; Col. 
>€reo. M. Sabin, Pioche, Nevada ; Mr. Wm. W. Bishop, of the 



y{ PUBLISHERS' PBEFACE. 

same place, and to John D. Lee's letter to Mr. Bishop, on page 
34 of this book. 

Lee wrote his Life and Confessions in prison, after his sen- 
tence to death, and subsequent to his execution his manuscripts 
were copied and prepared for publication by Mr. Bishop. They 
were at no time out of his possession or from under his imme- 
diate control, until they were delivered to the express company 
on the 17th day of May, 1877, to be forwarded to us. 

The Mormon leaders were so greatly alarmed at the prospect 
of the publication of Lee's waitings, and the consequent reve- 
lation of their secrets and crimes, that they sent their "Blood 
Atoners" to threaten the life of Mr. Bishop, and, if possible, 
compel him to give up the manuscripts. The danger was so 
great that he was compelled to have his office guarded while en- 
gaged in copying the papers ; and when they were ready to be 
forwarded to the publishers, the Wells, Fargo & Co. Express 
refused to receive them until they were furnished with an armed 
guard to protect them until they were beyond the reach of the 
Mormons. 

The fears of the Mormon dignitaries were well founded, for 
Lee's revelations of crimes committed by them are of the most 
startling character. The Publishers. 



PREFACE. 



I WAS requested by John Doyle Lee, after he had been sen- 
tenced to be shot for the part he took in the commission of 
the Mountain Meadows Massacre, to publish an account of his 
life and confessions, in order to inform the world how it was 
that he had acted as he had, and why he was made a scape-goat 
by the Mormon Church. I accepted the trust, and, in giving 
publicity to the facts now, for the first time fully brought to 
light, I am only performing what I believe to be a duty — to 
him, and to the pubhc. 

The Mountain Meadows Massacre stands without a parallel 
amongst the crimes that stain the pages of American history. 
It was a crime committed without cause or justification of any 
kind to relieve it of its fearful character. Over one hundred 
and twenty men, women and children were surrounded by In- 
dians, and more cruel whites, and kept under constant fire, 
from hundreds of unerring rifles, for five days and nights, dur- 
ing all of which time, the emigrants were famishing for water. 
When nearly exhausted from fatigue and thirst, they were ap- 
proached by white men, with a flag of truce, and induced to 
surrender their arms, under the most solemn promises of pro- 
tection. They were then murdered in cold blood, and left nude 
and mangled upon the plain. All this was done by a band of 
fanatics, who had no cause of complaint against the emigrants, 
except that the authorities of the Mormon Church had decided 
that all the emigrants who were old enough to talk, should die — 
revenge for alleged insults to Brigham Young, and the booty of 
the plundered train being the inciting causes of the massacre. 

John D. Lee was o?ie, and only one of fifty-eight Mormons, 
who there carried out the orders of the Mormon Priesthood. 
He has died for his crimes — shall the others escape? 

The entire history of this atrocious crime is given in the con- 
fession. How it was done, and why it was the wish of the Mor« 



Viii PEE FACE. 

mons that it should be done, all is fully stated. As one of the 
attorneys for John D. Lee, I did all that I could to save his life. 
My associates were, and are able men and fine lawyers, but fact 
and fate united to turn the verdict against us. The history of 
the first and second trials is familiar to most of the American 
people ; therefore, I will not describe them here, any more than 
to say, Mormonism prevented conviction at the first trial, and 
at the second trial Mormonism insured conviction. 

After Brigham Young and his worshipers had deserted Lee, 
and marked him as the victim that should suffer to save the 
Church from destruction, on account of the crimes it had or- 
dered ; after all chances of escape had vanished, and death was 
certain as the result of the life-long service he had rendered the 
Church, the better nature of Lee overcame his superstition and 
fanaticism, and he gave to me the histor}^ of his life, and his con- 
fession of the facts connected with the massacre, and wished me 
to have the same published. Why he refused to confess at an 
earlier day, and save his own life by placing the guilt where it 
of right belonged, is a question which is answered by the state- 
ment, that he was still a slave to his Endowment and Danite 
oaths, and trusted until too late to the promises of protection 
made to him by Brigham Young. John D. Lee was a fanatic, 
and as such, believed in the Mormon Church, and aided in car- 
rying out the orders of that Church. I believe it is my duty to 
publish this work, to show mankind the fruits resulting from 
obedience to Mormon leaders, and to show that Mormonism was 
as certainly the cause of the Mountain Meadows Massacre, as it 
is that fanaticism has been the mother of crime in all ages of 
the world. I also wish the American people to read the facts, 
as they are told by a mistaken and fanatical follower of the Mor- 
mon doctrines, yet, one who was a brave man, and, according 
to his ideas and teaching, a good man ; who did not believe he 
was doing wrong when obeying the commands of the Mormon 
Priesthood. I wish the American people to read this work, 
and then say, if they can, what should be the fate of those who 
caused the crime to be committed. The following pages contain 
simpl}^ true copies of material, furnished me by John D. Lee, 
for the purpose of being published ; all of which was written by 
him while in prison, and after the jury had returned its verdict 
of guilty. 

J have no excuses to offer for publishing the work iust as it 



FBEFACE. ix 

is. It is what it purports to be, a full history of the Mountain 
Meadows Massacre, and also a sketch of the life of John D. Lee, 
embracing a revelation of the secret history of Mormonism, from 
its inception down to the death of Lee ; with a correct copy of 
his confession as given to me for publication. If any feel in- 
jured by the facts, I cannot help it. If this publication shall, in 
any degree, aid in securing the much-needed legislation, de- 
manded by the American citizens of Utah, from the National 
Government, so that Church criminals, as well as Gentiles, can 
be convicted in Utah, I shall feel that I have been paid well for 
all the vexations I have endured in the land of the Saints, 
where they murder men, women and children for the glory of 
God, and the upbuilding of His kingdom. 

I also believe this publication will be an advantage to the large 
number of naturally good and honest people, who inhabit Utah, 
who joined the Church, and moved to Utah, believing it their 
Christian duty to do so. To that class of people I am indebted 
for many favors, and wish them future prosperity. 

Wm. W, Bishop, 
Confidential Att'y of John D. Lee. 

PiocHE, Nevada, May 17, 1877. 



CONTENTS. 



PUBLISHERS' PREFACE. ... . & 

PREFACE . . .7 

INTRODUCTORY 16- 

CHAPTER I. 

A STORMY BEGINNING 

Early Life of Lee — Death of his Mother— Hardships and Trials — 
Becomes a Mail Carrier in the Wilds of Missouri at an 
Early Age — Is a Stage Driver — Abandons the business— Re- 
flections upon the condition of the Country. - • 86- 

CHAPTER II. 

THE INDUSTRIOUS YOUNG MAN. 

Remains on his Uncle's Farm — Volunteers in the Black Hawk 
War — Goes to St. Louis — Engages as Fireman on a Steamer 
— Cholera Experience — Finds a Friend — Goes to Galena 
and enters a Store as Clerk — Adventures with the Miners — 
Anecdote of Ulysses Grant — Lee Marries Agathe Ann 
Woolsey. ....••• 4:3- 

CH AFTER III. 

LEE BECOMES A MORMON. 

In 1836 Lee first hears the Mormon Doctrine Preached— Em- 
braces the Doctrine of Mormonism — Sells out and Removes 
his Family to Far West, Mo. — Is Baptized and Joins the 
Church— Fight at Gallatin, at the Polls— The People Conse- 
crate their Property to God. . . • .60^ 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE SAINTS ARE BESET WITH TROCBLES. 

The Saints Decline to give up their Property to the Church — 
Troubles Between the Saints and Gentiles — Companies of 
Armed Men are formed for Drivinjr Out the Mormons— A 



CONTENT IS. Xi 

Providential Warning — Conflicts between the Saints and 
Gentiles. . . . , . . .64: 

CHAPTER V. 

THE MORMON WAR IN MISSOURI. 

Death of Capt. Patton — Rebuke of the Prophet — Description of 
the Prophet — Continued Troubles with the Gentiles — Mas- 
sacre at Haughn's Mill — Miraculous Cure of Isaac Laney, 
in Answer to Pi-ayer — Cowardice of Col. Hinkle — Surrender 
of Joseph Smith, the Prophet — The Saints Surrender and 
are Disarmed — Terms of the Surrender. , , ,74: 

CHAPTER VI. 

IKE LOCATES THE GARDEN OP EDEN. 

Account of the Surrender Continued — Lee refuses to Abandon his 
Faith — Returns to his Home — Finds his House Burned and 
Property Destroyed — Temple Block — Garden of Eden — Site 
of the Altar Built by Adam — Sufiering during the Winter — 
Lee is ordained to the Priesthood — Holy Patriarchal 
Blessing. ....••. 85- 

CHAPTER VII. 

THE SAINTS GATHER AT NAUVOO. 

Lee returns to Illinois — Goes on a Mission to Preach — Lively 
Experiences by the way — Is Strengthened of God and Re- 
sists Temptation — False Doctrines taught by Brigliam 
Young, and their Degrading Tendencies — Preaches in Ten- 
nessee — Beholds a Vision which is realized — Mission is 
Successful — Organizes Branch Churches — Returns to 
Illinois. ....... 96 

CHAPTER VIII. 

LEE CONTINUES HIS MISSIONARY WORK. 

Spends the Winter at Home — Foundation of the Temple laid at 
Nauvoo — Teachings of the Prophet— Lee builds a Home in 
Nauvoo — Goes on a Mission in 1841 — Resumes his Labors 
in Tennessee — Makes many Converts — Holds a Series of 
Discussions. ....... 109 

CHAPTER IX. 

MORMONISM — ITS DOCTRINES AND HOW IT ORIGINATED. 

Lee holds a Discussion Avith Parson Hall — Identity of the Ten 
Tribes of Israel with the American Indians shown — Divine 
Origin of the Book of Mormon — Lee holds another and 
final Discussion with Rev. Cantrell— Many Converts are 
Baptized and added to tlie Church. .... 118 



^ii CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER X. 

LEE CASTS OUT DEVILS AXD DOES OTHER "WONDERFUL WORKS. 

He goes to Jackson County and holds a public Discussion — Won- 
derful Manifestation of Divine Power — Lee rebukes Evil 
Spirits and they are still — Casts out Devils from Mark 
Toung — Returns to Nauvoo — Visits friends — Condition of 
Zion — Denunciation of Brigliam Young. . * 126 

CHAPTER XL 

A TENNESSEE PLANTER MAKES IT HOT FOR PARSON LEE. 

Lee returns to Tennessee to Preach — Is kindly received — Goes to 
Nashville — Preaches in the Country — Is assailed by a Mob 
—Baptizes the Wife of Col. Tucker— The Colonel Hunts 
him Avith a Loaded Rifle — Escapes from the County to 
avoid Arrest — Returns to Nauvoo. . , . • 133 

CHAPTER XII. 

MATTERS OF PECULIAR INTEREST AT NAUVOO. 

Affairs at Nauvoo — The Nauvoo Legion organized — Building of 
the Hall of the Seventies — The Devil Enraaed — The Doc- 
trine of Plural or Celestial Marriage first taught — Domestic 
Troubles among the Saints — Joseph Smith becomes a ( an- 
didate for the Presidency of the U. S. — Lee goes to Ken- 
tucky on an Electioneering Tour — The Assassination of 
the Prophet causes his return to Nauvoo. . . . 144 

CHAPTER XIII. 

DEATH OF JOSEPH SMITH— SOME OF BRIGHAM YOUNG'S CRIMES. 

Assassination of Joseph Smith and his Brother Hyrum — Causes 
of the Assassination — Successor of the Prophet — Brigham 
Young Chosen — He Steals the Inheritance of Young Joseph 
— Lee is appointed to various Offices of Trust and Honor — 
Assassination of Erwin by orders of Brigham Young — Se- 
cret Murders and Robberies by the Saints— Teachings of \ 
the Church — Arrogance and Oppressions of Brigham 
Young. , . . . . . . .152 

CHAPTER XIV. 

INSIDE VIEW OF POLYGAMY AND THE DOCTRINE OF SEALING. 

'Celestial Marriage taught and practiced — Lee embraces the Doc- 
trine and takes a number of Wives — Troubles with the \ 
Gentiles — The Saints prepare to Emigrate — Baptisms, 
Washings and Anointings in the Temple. , . . 166 



CONTENTS. xiii. 

CHAPTER XV. 

THE SAINTS MOVE WESTWARD. 

Reminiscences of the Prophet Joseph — His Fourth of July Toast 
— Lee removes his Family from Nauvoo — Great Sacrifices 
of Property by the Saints to get away — Brigham Young 
blesses Lee — The Saints move through Iowa — Lee restores 
a Blind Man to Sight! — Settlements established at Garden 
Grove and Pisgah— Arrival at Council Bluffs — The Missouri 
Eiver Crossed. ....... ITS 

CHAPTER XVI. 

LEE GOES ON AK EXPEDITION TO SANTA FB. 

The Saints prepare to go into Winter Quarters — Lee is sent to 
the Mormon Battalion at Santa Fe to bring back the Sol- 
diers' pay — A Long and Dangerous Journey and safe Return 
— Follows an Invisible Guide — Miraculous Deliverance 
from Indians — Safe Arrival — Finds his family suffering. . 182 

CHAPTER XVII. 

LEE IS TREATED BADLY BY THE "BRETHREN.** 

In camp — Angry words with Brigham Young — Gives an account 
of his Trip and Pays over the Money — Contrast, 1847 
and 1877 — Opens a Store at Winter Quarters — Is Sealed to.-~^ 
a number of Wives — Summer Quarters laid out — Life on 
the Border — Bravery of Lee's Wives — Jealousy of the 
Brethren — Murmurings of the Saints against Lee — Ingrati- 
tude and Heartlessness of Brigham Young. . . 196 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

LAST CONFESSION AND STATEMENT OF JOHN D. LEB. 

Closing events of Lee's Life — Startling Revelations of Crimes - 
and Church Secrets, implicating Brigham Young and the 
Mormon Leaders — The Mountain Meadows Massacre, and 
all the particulars thereof. ..... 213 

CHAPTER XIX. 

CONFESSION CONTINUED AND CONCLUDED, MARCH 16, 1877, SEVEN DAYS 
PRIOR TO HIS EXECUTION. 

More startling Revelations — Going " Over the Rim of the Basin'* 
— Brigham "goes to God" with his crimes, and is strength- 
ened in a "Vision" — A "bully" Warrior — A model Indian 
Agent — Brigham preaches a "Red-hot" Sermon — The "Old 
Boss'' on his travels — Brigham betrays Lee — Tricks of 
"Dirty Fingered Jake Hamblin" — Some "Blood Atone- 
ments" — Some "Holy" men and their deeds — Exploits of. 



xiv COXTEXTS. 

the "Destroying Angels" — Shocking Barbarities — End of 
Confession. .... . . • 249 

CHAPTER XX. 

ARREST OF JOHN D. LEE BY WM. STOKES, DEPUTY U. S. MARSHAL. 

JBrighara imagines he is going to be Assassinated — Lively Adven- 
tures of the Deputy Marshal — Hunting Lee in his Strong- 
hold — Efforts of his sons to prevent his Arrest — Lee is 
fonnd concealed in a pen, and is Arrested — A puugent 
Toast by one of his Daughters — The journey to Beaver 
City. ........ 293 

CHAPTER XXr. 

TRLiL OF LEE AT BEAAHER ,CITY, UTAH TERRITORY, SEPTEMBER, 1876. 

Depositions of Brigham Yonng, George A. Smith, etc. — Witnesses 
Manufactured to order — Startling Developments — Determ- 
ination of the Mormon Leaders to convict Lee. , . 302 

CHAPTER XXn. 

TRIAL OF LEE CONTINUED. 

Testimony of Witnesses— Getting at the bottom facts by a circu- 
itous route — Model Witnesses. . . . = 317 

CHAPTER XXIir. 

TRIAL OF LEE CONCLUDED. 

Conclusion of the Evidence — Conviction and Sentence of Lee — 

Additional facts. ....... 86C 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

NAMES AND PRESENT RESIDENCES 

Of the Mountain Meadows Assassins, as given by Lee. . 379 

CHAPTER XXV. 

EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE. ..... 383 



INTRODUCTORY. 



ONE hundred and twenty men, women, and children were 
murdered by Mormons and Indians, at the Mountain 
Meadows, on Friday, September 16, 1857, or thereabouts. The 
victims were members of a train under command of Captain 
Fancher, and are generally known as the Arkansas Emigrant 
Company. At that time Brigham Young was Governor of Utah 
Territory, and also the head of the Church of Jesus Christ of 
Latter Day Saints. Acting as Governor of the Territory, he 
and his followers had, for a series of years, violated the laws of 
the United States, with insulting impunity, and then were stand- 
ing in hostile attitude towards the government. Brigham Young 
had the audacity to declare Utah under martial law, and call 
out his legions of fanatics to oppose the forces of the United 
States which had been ordered to Utah to enforce obedience to 
the Government. As leader and head of the Mormon Church, 
he had taught his followers to believe that he was an inspired 
man, and as such, receiving orders and revelations direct from 
the God of Heaven ; that the time had arrived when Christ was 
to come to earth and reign a thousand years, and that all who 
■did not accept the Book of Mormon, and the teachings of 
Brigham Young, as God's holy religion, were to suffer death, 
and the wealth of the unbelievers to become the property of the 
so-called Saints. He had also taught the doctrine that all who 
opposed his orders or refused obedience to his commands should 
<3ie, and if they had been members of the Mormon Church their 
blood was to be shed in order to save their souls. At that time 
Brigham Young had the sole control of everything in Utah ; his 
word was law ; his orders were given under the pretense that 
they emanated from God, and to disobey his orders was treason 
to the Church and punishable by death. The Mormon people 
were willing followers of their designing leader. They believed 
in polygamy, blood atonement, and the inspiration of the priest- 



16 INTBODUCTOBT. 

hood. Their intelligence made their fanaticism the more danger- 
ous. No crime was so great that it would not be ordered by 
Brigham Young, if he believed it would benefit Mormonism, and 
no order could be given by him but what his deluded followers 
considered it their bounden duty to unquestioningly obey. 

The oaths taken by the Mormons in their various ceremonies 
bound them under fearful penalties to lay aside all individuality, 
and become the willing tools of si cruel and treasonable priest- 
hood. Blind obedience to Brigham Young was the test of 
Christian excellence. Salvation and celestial glory were offered 
by the Church leaders, and confidently expected by the brethren, 
as the reward to be received for the most fearful crimes. 
Brigham Young held the keys of Heaven, so it was said, and 
so his followers believed, and certain it was he held the life of 
every man in the Territory of Utah in his hand. Law and jus- 
tice were unheard of, or at least unknown. The so-called refor- 
mation was then at its height. The members of the Church were 
confessing their sins to each other in public and being 
rebaptized under promise of certain salvation. Superstition, 
fanaticism, and satanic influences of every character had changed 
the dwellers in Utah from American citizens, with reasoning 
faculties, into blind zealots, anxious to do any act that their so- 
called Prophet commanded. It was while this condition of 
affairs existed in Utah that Captain Fancher attempted to cross 
the Territory, on the way to the pleasant valleys of the Golden 
State, where the company intended to settle and build homes for 
themselves and their children. 

In support of the charge that Brigham Young favored the 
shedding of blood as an atonement for sin, I quote the following 
compilation of extracts which were kindly furnished me by the 
Salt Lake Tribune^ and as they speak for themselves, comment 
is useless : 

EXTRACTS FROM BRIGHAM YOUNG* S SERMONS. 

" I could refer you to plenty of instances where men have been 
righteously slain in order to atone for their sins.'* 

'^ But now I say, in the name of the Lord, that if this people 
will sin no more, but faithfully live their religion, their sins will 
be forgiven them without taking life.'* 

" Now, when you hear my brethren telling about cutting peo- 
ple off from the earth, that you consider is strong doctrine ; 
but it is to save them, not to destroy them." 

''All mankind love themselves; and let these principles be 



INTB OD UCTOli Y. 17 

known by an individual, and he would be glad to have his blood 
shed. That would be loving themselves even unto eternal exal- 
tation." 

" This is loving our neighbor as ourselves; if he needs help, 
help him ; if he wishes salvation, and it is necessary to spill his 
blood upon the ground in order that he be saved, spill it." 

" Any of you who understand the principles of eternity, if you 
have sinned a sin requiring the shedding of blood, except the 
sin unto death, would not be satisfied or rest until your blood 
should be spilled, that you might gain the salvation j^ou desire. 
This is the way to love mankind." 

"It is true the blood of the Son of God was shed for sins 
through the fall and those committed by men, yet 3'e men can 
commit sins which it can never remit. As it was in the ancient 
days, so it is in our da}^ ; and though the principles are taught 
publicly from this stand, still the people do not understand 
them ; yet the law is precisely the same." 

" I have known a great many men who have left this Church, 
for whom there is no chance whatever of exaltation ; but if 
their blood had been spilled, it would have been better for 
them. The wickedness and ignorance of the nations forbid this 
principle being in full force, but the time will come when the 
law of God will be in full force." 

''Will you love your brothers and sisters likewise, when they 
have committed a sin that cannot be atoned for without the 
shedding of their blood ? Will you love that man or woman well 
enough to shed their blood? That is what Jesus Christ meant. 
He never told a man or woman to love their enemies in their 
wickedness. He never intended any such thing. " 

"I have known scores and hundreds of people for whom 
there would have been a chance in the last resurrection if their 
lives had been taken and their blood spilled upon the ground as 
a smoking incense to the Almight}'^, but who are now angels to 
the devil, until our elder brother, Jesus Christ, raises them up, 
conquers death, hell, and the grave." 

/'There are sins that can be atoned for by an offering upon 
an altar, as in ancient days ; and there are sins that the blood 
of a lamb, of a calf, or of turtle doves cannot remit, but they 
must be atoned for by the blood of the man. That is the rea- 
son why men talk to you as they do from this stand ; they un- 
derstand the doctrine, and throw out a few w^ords about it. 
You have been taught that doctrine, but you do not under- 
stand it." 

"Now, take a person in this congregation, who has a knowl- 
edge of being saved in the kingdom of our God and our Father, 
and being an exalted one, — who knows and understands the 
principles of eternal life, and sees the beauty and excellency of 
2 



18 INTB OD UCTOB Y. 

the eternities before him, compared with the vain and foolish 
things of the world ; and suppose he is overtaken with a gross 
fault, that he has committed a fault which he knows will deprive 
him of that exaltation which he desires, and that he cannot 
attain to it without the shedding of blood ; and also knows that 
by having his blood shed, he will atone for that sin and be 
saved, and be exalted with the gods, is there a man or woman 
in this house but what would say, ' Shed my blood, that I may 
be saved and exalted with the gods?' " 

Brigham Young had also written letters to his chief men 
throughout the Territory, inciting them against the people of 
the United States. That it may be understood what kind of 
language he used to his bishops in these circulars, I copy the 
one sent to Wm. H. Dame, the man who was colonel and com- 
mander of the militia in southern Utah, and who afterwards, and 
while standing upon Mountain Meadows examining the bodies 
of those that he had directed Haight to slaughter, said: "I 
would not have given the orders if I had thought there were so 
many of them." The circular bears date two days before the 
massacre is charged to have been committed, and the supposi- 
tion is that it had been delivered to Dame at the time he issued 
Ms orders for the massacre. It explains itself, and reads as 
follows : 

'' Great Salt Lake City, Sept. 14, 1857. 
" Colonel William H. Dame^ Paroivcm, Iron Co. : 

"Herewith you will receive the Governor's Proclamation, 
declaring martial law. You will probably not be called out this 
Fall, but are requested to continue to make ready for a big fight 
another year. The plan of operations is supposed to be about 
this: In case the U. S. Government should send out an over- 
powering force, we intend to desolate the Territory and conceal 
our families, stock, and all of our effects in the fastnesses of the 
mountains, where they will be safe, while the men waylay our 
enemies, attack them from ambush, stampede their animals, 
take the supply trains, cut ofl' detachments and parties sent to 
canons for wood or on other service. To lay waste everything 
that will burn — houses, fences, trees, fields, grass — that they 
cannot find a particle of anything that will be of use to them, 
not even sticks to make a fire for to cook their suppers. To 
waste away our enemies, and lose none. That will be our mode 
of warfare. Thus you see the necessity of preparing. First 
secure places in the mountains where they cannot find us, or if 
they do, where they cannot approach in any force, and then 
prepare for our families, building some cabins, caclmig flour and 
grain. Flour should be ground in the latter part of Winter, or 



IN Til OD UC TOB Y. 1 9 



€arly in the Spring, in order to keep. Sow grain in your fields 
early as possible this Fall, so that the iiarvest of another year 
may come off before they have time to get here. Conciliate the 
Indians, and make them our fast friends. In regard to letting 
people pass or repass, or travel through the Territory, this applies 
to all strangers and suspected persons. Yourself and Bro. Isaac 
€. Haight, in your district, are authorized to give such permits. 
Examine all such persons strictly before giving them permits to 
pass, keep things perfectly quiet and let all things be done peace- 
fully, but with firmness, and let there be no excitement. Let the 
people be united in their feehngs and faith, as well as works, 
and keep alive the spirit of the reformation ; and what we said m 
regard to sowing the grain and provisions, we say agam, let 
there be no waste ; save life always when it is possible— we do 
not wish to shed a drop of blood if it can be avoided. This 
<?ourse will give us great influence abroad. 

rSio-nedl ^ ' Brigham Young. 

[Signed] "Daniel H. Wells.*' 

Next, take the proclamation declaring martial law in the Terri- 
tory, and put these facts together, and no fair-minded person 
can deny that the massacre was the result of the teachings of 
Brigham Young, and that the Mormons in church council decided 
that the emigrants should be killed as they were afterwards killed. 
I claim that Brigham Young is the real criminal, and that John 
D. Lee was an instrument in his hands. That Brigham Young 
used John D. Lee, as the assassin uses the dagger, to strike 
down his unsuspecting victim ; and as the assassin throws away 
the dagger, to avoid its bloody blade leading to his detection, 
so Brigham Young used John D. Lee to do his horrid work ; 
and when discovery becomes unavoidable, he hurls Lee from 
him, cuts him away from the Church, and casts him far out into 
the whirlpool of destruction. The assassin has no further use 
for his weapon. I also claim that if religious fanaticism can 
€lear a man^from crime, that John D. Lee was guiltless, for he 
was one of the most intensely fanatical Mormons that infested 
Utah in 1857. But I do not claim that the fact of his being a 
fanatic and blinded believer of Brigham Young's so-called reve- 
lations excused him— far from it. In place of excusing him, it 
added to his crime. Such insanity as that which religious fanat- 
icism breeds, can only, and should only, be treated by the exe- 
cutioner, and there are many thousands in Utah who are afflicted 
with the disease, that calls for that radical treatment which was 
administered to Lee. The Mormons around Cedar City, espe- 



20 IXTE OD UCTOE Y. 

cially, were insane dreamers, and to them the Danites, Destroy- 
ing Angels and Blood Atoners became objects of ecstatic admira- 
tion. The Mormons bad come into existence to combat the 
doctrines of Protestants and Catholics alike. They were infatu- 
ated followers of designing leaders, anxious to earn the martyr's 
crown by giving up life if necessary to advance the interest of 
the Mormon Church, or please one of the priesthood. 

The Templars and Knights of St. John were no more willing 
servants of the Cross, in its war with the Crescent, than were the 
deluded followers of Brigham Young to overthrow all established 
government, and shed the blood of all who were marked as vic- 
tims by the false prophet who directed their assassin-like actions. 
They had no law but the will of Brigham Young. No purpose 
but what they called the will of God. Their discipline was per- 
fect, and their devotion absolute. 

Such was the condition of affairs when the fair plains of Utah 
were wetted with the blood of over one hundred and twenty 
human beings, that had been doomed to death by the unanimous- 
voice of the Satanic crew that claimed to be servants of the ever- 
living God. Since that time every force has been brought for- 
ward which Mormonism could wield to prevent the facts from 
becoming known. Brigham Young has shielded and rewarded 
those that he well knew were engaged in the unholy work. 

I cannot explain the facts connected with the Mormons and 
the massacre, in any other way, so fully and clearly, and j-et sa 
truly, as I can by giving extracts from the speech of Judge 
Cradlebaugh, which he delivered in Congress, in the year 1863. 
Judge Cradlebaugh was an educated, honorable gentleman,, 
whose word no man that ever knew him can honestly dispute. 
He was speaking about the Mountain Meadows Massacre, and 
calling upon Congress for needed legislation for the Territory 
of Utah. The entire speech is one that every lover of our in- 
stitutions should be familiar with, as it most clearly portrays the 
evils of the Mormon system. I would like to publish the entire 
speech, but will content myself by giving only a part. In re- 
gard to what Mormonism is, he says : 

Mr. Cradlebaugh. — "Mr. Speaker, having resided for some 
time among the Mormons, become acquainted with their eccle- 
siastical policy, their habits, and their crimes, I feel that I would 
not be discharging my duty if I failed to impart such infor- 
mation as I have acquired in regard to this people in our midst> 



IXTB OD UC TOR Y. 2 1 

who are building up, consolidating, and daringly carrying out a 
system subversive of the Constitution and laws, and tatal to 
morals and true religion. 

'^ The remoteness of Utah from the settled regions of our coun- 
try and the absence of any general intercourse between the 
Mormons and the masses of our people, have served to keep the 
latter in almost complete ignorance of the character and designs 
of the former. That ignorance, pardonable at first, becomes 
criminal when the avenues to a full knowledge are open to us. 

"Mormonism is one of the monstrosities of the age in which 
we live. It seems to have been left for the model Republic of the 
world, for the nineteenth century, when the light of knowledge 
is more generally diffused than ever before, when in art, science 
and philosophy we have surpassed all that ages of the past can 
show, to produce an idle, worthless vagabond of an impostor, 
who heralds forth a creed repulsive to every refined mind, op- 
posed to every generous impulse of the human heart, and a faith 
which commands a violation of the rights of hospitality, sancti- 
fies falsehood, enforces the systematic degradation of women, 
not only permits, but orders, the commission of the vilest lusts, 
in the name of Almighty God himself, and teaches that it is a 
sacred duty to commit the crimes of theft and murder. It is 
surprising that such faith, taught too, in the coarsest and most 
vulo-ar way, should meet with any success. Yet in less than a 
cenUiry it girdles the globe. Its missionaries are planted in 
every place. You find them all over Europe, thick through 
Eno-land and Wales, traversing Asia and Africa, and braving 
the^'billows of the southern oceans to seek proselytes. And, as 
if to crown its achievements, it establishes itself in the heart of 
one of the greatest and most powerful governments of the 
world, establishes therein a theocratic government overriding 
all other government, putting the laws at defiance, and now 
seeks to consummate and perpetuate itself by acquiring a State 
sovereignty, and by being placed on an equality with the other 
states of the Union. 

''Mormonism is in part a conglomeration of iily cementea 
creeds from other religions, and in part founded upon the eccen- 
tric production of one Spaulding, who, having failed as a 
preacher and shopkeeper, undertook to write a historic novel. 
He had a smattering of bibhcal knowledge, and chose for his 
subject nhe history of the lost tribes of Israel.' The whole 
was supposed to be communicated by the Indians, and the last 
of the series was named Mormon, representing that he had 
buried the book. It was a dull, tedious, interminable volume, 
marked by ignorance and folly. The work was so flat, stupid 
and insipid, that no publisher could be induced to bring it 
before the world. Poor Spaulding at length went to his grave, 



22 INTB OD UCTOB Y. 

and the manuscript remained a neglected roll in the possession 
of his widow. 

"Then arose Joe Smith, more ready to live by his wits than by 
the labor of his hands. Smith had, early in life, manifested a 
turn for pious frauds. He had figured in several wrestlmg 
matches with the devil, and had been conspicuous in giving in 
eventful experiences in religion at certain revivals. He an- 
nounced that he had dug up the book of Mormon, which taught 
the true religion; this was none other than poor Spaulding's 
manuscript, which he had purloined from the widow. In his hands 
the manuscript became the basis of Mormonism. Joe became a 
prophet; the founder of a religious sect; the president of a 
swindling bank ; the builder of the City of Nauvoo ; mayor of the 
city; general of the armies of Israel; candidate for President 
of the United States, and finally a martyr, as the Saints choose 
to call him. But the truth is that his villainies, together with 
the villainies of his followers, brought down upon him the just 
vengeance of the people of Illinois and Missouri, and his career 
was brought to an end by his being shot while confined in jail 
in Carthage. It was unfortunate that such was his end, for his 
followers raised the old cry of martyrdom and persecution, 
and, as always proved, 'the blood of the martyr was the seed 
of the church.' 

" Mormonism repudiates the celibacy imposed by the Catholic 
religion upon its priesthood, and takes in its stead the voluptu- 
ous impositions of the Mohammedan Church. It preaches 
openly that the more wives and children its men have in this 
world, the purer, more influential and conspicuous will they 
be in the next ; that wives, children, and property will not only 
be restored, but doubled in the resurrection. It adopts the 
use of prayers and baptism for the dead, as a part of its creed. 
Mormons claim to be favored with marvelous gifts — the power 
of speaking in tongues, of casting out devils, of curing the sick, 
and of healing the lame and the halt. They claim that the}^ 
have a living prophet, seer and revelator who holds the keys of 
of the Kingdom of Heaven, and through whose intercession 
alone access can be had. They recognize the Bible, but they 
interpret it for themselves, and hold that it is subject to be 
changed by new revelation, which, they say, supercedes old 
revelation. One of their doctrines is that of continued progres- 
sion to ultimate perfection. They say God was but a man, who 
went out developing and increasing until he reached his present 
high capacity ; and they teach that Mormons will be equal to 
him; in a word, that good Mormons will become gods. They 
teach the shedding of blood for remission of sins, or, in other 
words, that if a Mormon apostatizes, his throat shall be cut, 
and his blood poured out upon the ground for the remission of 



INTIi OD UC TOB Y. 23 

his sins. They also practice other revolting doctrines, such 
as are only carried out in polygamous countries, which is 
evidenced by a number of mutilated persons in their midst. 
They hold that the prophet's revelations are binding upon 
their consciences, and that they are bound to obey him in 
all things. They say that the earth and the fullness thereof 
is the Lord's ; that they are God's chosen people on earth ; that 
their mission on earth is to take charge of God's property, and, 
as faithful stewards, that it is their duty to obtain it, and are 
taught that, in obtaining it, they must not get in debt to the 
Lord's enemies for it ; in other words, they teach that it is a 
duty to rob and steal from Gentiles. They have christened 
themselves 'The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.' 
They claim that Mormonism is to go on spreading until it over- 
throws all the nations of the earth, and if necessary for its 
accomplishment, its success shall be consummated by the 
sword; that Jackson county, Missouri, is to be the seat of 
empire of the Mormon Church ; that here the Mormons are to 
be finally gathered, and that from that Zion shall proceed a 
power that will dethrone kings, subvert dynasties, and subjugate 
all the natiojns of the earth. 

" I have said that their doctrines were repulsive to every refined 
mind. Every other false faith which has reigned its evil lime 
upon this goodly world of ours, has had some kindly and re- 
deeming features. Even the semi-theocracy of the Aztecs, as 
Prescott tells you, disfigured as it was by horrid and bloody rites, 
was not y/ithout them. Buddhism and Brahmanism, with all 
their misshapen fables, still inculcated, in no small degree, a 
pure code of morals. Nor is the like assertion untrue of Mo- 
hammedanism. It was reserved for Mormonism, far off in the 
bosom of our beloved land, to rear its head, naked in all its 
hideous deformity, and unblushingly, yes, defiantly, proclaim a 
creed without the least redeeming feature, and of such character 
that the Thugism of India cannot match it. 

" So at variance is the practice of pol3^gamy with all the in- 
stincts of humanit}-, that it has to be pressed upon the people 
with the greatest assiduity as a part of tlieir religious duty. It 
is astonishing with what pertinacity through all their ' sermons 
and discources ' it is justified and insisted on. Threats, 
entreaties, persuasions, and commands, are continual^ brought 
in play to enforce its cheerful observance. So revolting is it to 
the women, that to aid in its enforcement they are brutahzed, 
their modesty destroyed by low, vile, vulgar expressions, such 
as I could not repeat, and would not ask the clerk to read in 
your hearing. If, however, my conjugal friend, the Delegate 
from Utah, will undertake such task, I will most cheerfully fur- 
nish them for him ; certainly he ought not to hesitate. If they 



24 i:^^TE OD UCTOll Y. 

are proper to be repeated before large congregations of women 
and children in Salt Lake City, the representative of the Church 
ought not to be ashamed at reading them to this House. Will 
the Delegate from Utah read them? 

CONDITION OF THE WOMEN. 

"But their teachings, officially reported by themselves, give 
3'ou a better idea of their estimation of woman than anything I 
could say. I shall read to you from a few of their sermons on 
this subject, only observing that you may pick other passages 
inculcating similar doctrines, containing like threats, rebukes, 
and complaints, in nearly every sermon published in the Church 
organ. 

''President J. M. Grant, in a sermon delivered September 21, 
185G, reported in the Deseret News^ (volume 6, page 235) said: 

'"And we have women here who like anything but the celes- 
tial law of God ; and, if they could, would break asunder the 
cable of the Church of Christ ; there is scarcely a mother in 
Israel but would do it this day. And they talk it to their hus- 
bands, to their daughters, and to their neighbors, and say that 
they have not seen a week's happiness since they became ac- 
quainted with that law, or since their husbands took a second 
wife. They want to break up the Church of God, and to break 
it from their husbands and from their family connections.' 

"President Brigham Young, in a sermon delivered the same 
day, reported in the same paper, said : 

"' Now, for my proposition ; it is more particularl3^ for my 
sisters, as it is frequently happening that women say that they 
are unhappy. Men will say, " my wife, though a most excellent 
woman, has not seen a happy day since I took my second wife ; 
no, not a happy day for a year. " It is said that women are 
tied down and abused ; that they are misused, and have not the 
liberty they ought to have ; that many of them are wading 
through a perfect flood of tears, because of the conduct of some 
men, together with their own folly. 

" ' I wish my women to understand that what I am going to say 
is for them, as well as all others, and I want those who are here 
to tell their sisters, yes, ail the women of this community, and 
then write it back to the States, and do as you please with it. I 
am going to give you from this time to the Gth day of October 
next for reflection, that you may determine whether you wish to 
stay with your husbands or not, and then I am going to set 
every woman at liberty, and say to them, " now go your way, 
my women with the rest; go 3'our way. " And my wives have 
got to do one of two things ; either round up their shoulders to 
endure the afflictions' of this world, and live their religion, or 
they may leave, for I will not have them about me. I will go 
into Heaven alone, rather than have scratching and fighting 



JNTn OD UC TOB Y. 25 

around me. I will set all at liberty. '' What, first wife too?" 
Yes, I will liberate you all. 

" ' I Ivuow wliat my women will say ; they will say, ""you ean 
have as many women as you please, Brigham." Bat I want to 
go somewhere and do something to get rid of the whiners ; I do 
not w^ant them to receive a part of the truth and spurn the rest 
out of doors. * * * * 

" ' Let every man thus treat his wives, keeping raiment enough 
to clothe his body ; and say to your wives, " take all that I have 
and be set at liberty ; but if you stay with me you shall comply 
"with the law of God, and that, too, without any murmuring and 
shining. You must fulfill the law of God in every respect, and 
round up your shoulders to walk up to the mark witiiout any 
grunting. 

" 'Now, recollect, that two weeks from to-morrow I am going 
to set you all at liberty. But the first wife will say, "it is hard, 
for I have lived with my husband twenty years, or thirty, and 
have raised a family of children for him, and it is a great trial 
to me for him to have more women that will bear children." If 
my wife had borne me all the children that she ever would bear, 
the celestial law would teach me to take young women that 
would have children. * -;^ * -;*j 

••' ' Sisters, I am not joking ; I do not throw out my proposition 
to banter your feelings, to see whether you will leave your hus- 
bands, all or any of you. But I do know that there is no cessa- 
tion to the everlasting whinings of many of the women of this 
Territory. And if the women will turn from the commandments 
of God and continue to despise the order of Heaven, I will pray 
that the curse of the Almighty may be close to their heels, and 
that it may be following them all the day long. And those that 
enter into it and are faithful, I will promise them that they shall 
be queens in heaven and rulers for all eternity.' 

"President Heber C. Kimball, in a discourse delivered in the 
Tabernacle, November 9, 1856 {Deseret News, volume 6, page 
291), said: 

" ' I have no wife or child that has any right to rebel' against 
me. If they violate my laws and rebel against me, they will get 
into trouble just as quickly as though they transgressed the 
counsels and teachings of Brother Brigham. Does it give a 
woman a right to sin againsjt me because she is my wife? No; 
but it is her duty to do my will as I do the will of my Father 
and ray God. It is the duty of a woman to be obedient to her 
husband, and unless she is, I would not give a damn for all her 
queenly right and authority, nor for her either, if she will quar- 
rel and lie about the work of God and the principles of plurality. 
A disregard of plain and correct teachings is the reason why 
so many are dead and damned, and twice plucked up 



2 6 I^^ TB OD UC TOB T. 

by the roots, and I would as soon baptize the devil as some 
jof you.' 

''October 6, 1855 (volume 5, page 274), Kimball said: 

'' ' If you oppose any of the works of God you will cultivftte a 
spirit of apostasy. If you oppose what is called the spiritual 
wife doctrines, the patriarchal order, which is of God, that course 
will corrode you with apostasy, and 3'ou will go overboard. Still 
a great many do so, and strive to justify themselves in it; but 
they are not justified in God. * * * * * 

'^ ' The principle of plurality of wives never will be done awa}^^ 
although some sisters have had revelations that when this time 
passes away, and they go through the vale, every woman will 
have a husband to herself. I wish more of our young men would 
take to themselves wives of the daughters of Zion, and not wait 
for us old men to take them all. Go ahead upon the right prin- 
ciple, young gentlemen, and God bless you for ever and ever, 
and make 3^ou fruitful, that we may fill the mountains and then 
the earth, with righteous inhabitants.' 

" April 2, 1854, President Heber C. Kimball said in the Taber- 
nacle (see Deseret News^ volume 4, No. 20) : 

'' 'There are some ladies who are not happy in their present 
situation ; but that woman who cannot be happy with one man 
cannot be happy with two. You know all women are good, or 
ought to be. They are made for angelic beings, and I would 
like to see them act more angelic in their behavior. You were 
made more angelic, and a little weaker than man. Man is made 
of rougher material — to open the way, cut down bushes and kill 
the snakes — that women may walk along through life, and not 
soil and tear their skirts. When you see a woman with ragged 
skirts you may know she wears the unmentionables, for she is 
doing the man's business, and has not time to cut off the rags 
hanging about her. From this time henceforth 3'ou may know 
what woman wears her husband's pants. May the Lord bless 
you. Amen.' 

"President Heber C. Kimball, in a lengthened discourse, de- 
livered in the Tabernacle on the 4th day of April, 1857, took oc- 
casion to say: 

"'I would not be afraid to promise a man who is sixty 
years of age, if he will take the counsel of Brother Brigham 
and his brethren, he will renew his age. I have noticed 
that a man who has but one wife, and is inclined to that 
doctrine, soon begins to wither and dry up, while a man who 
goes into plurality looks fresh, young and sprightly. Why is 
this? Because God loves that man, and because he honors his 
work and word. Some of you may not believe this ; but I not 
only believe it, but I also know it. For a man of God to be 
confined to one woman is a small business, for it is as much as 



INTBODUCTOBY. 27 

we can do to keep under the burdens we have to carry, and 
do not know what we should do if we only had one woman 
apiece.' 

"President Heber C. Kimball used the following language in 
a discourse, instructing a band of missionaries about to start 
on their mission : 

" ' I say to those who are elected to go on missions, go, if you 
never return, and commit what you have into the hands of God 
— your wives, your children, your brethren and your property. 
Let truth and righteousness be your motto, and don't go into 
the world for anything else but to preach the Gospel, build up the 
kingdom of God, and gather the sheep into the fold. You are 
sent out as shepherds to gather the sheep together ; and re- 
member that they are not your sheep ; they belong to him 
that sends you ; then don't make a choice of any of those 
sheep, don't make selections before they are brought home and 
put into the fold. You understand that! Amen.' 

"Such, then, is Mormonism in regard to all that beautifies 
life in the conjugal relation ; such are their sentiments and com- 
mands pronounced under the assumed authority of God upon 
the female sex. When President Kimball calls his numerous 
wives his ' cows, ' he but reflects the Mormon idea of woman in 
the social scale. 

"The view is sickening. I turn with loathing and disgust 
from their legalized status of systematic debauchery and lust. 
Before it the entire nature recoils. No wonder that it requires 
the whole enginery of the Mormon Church, threats and intimida- 
tions to compel the women to submit to it. I pity that man or 
woman who can for one moment look upon this organized, sys- 
tematic, enforced degradation and prostitution with any other 
feeling than that of abhorrence and disgust. In matters of 
affection woman is a monopolist — she wants the whole heart, or 
she wants none. But in Utah she is compelled to take part 
only of the smallest of hearts — a Mormon's heart — little atten- 
tion and no devotion. 

" The church government established by the Mormons to carry 
into operation the teachings from which I have so copiously 
extracted, is one of the most complete despotisms on the face of 
the earth. The mind of one man permeates through the whole 
mass of the people, and subjects to its unrelenting tyranny the 
souls and bodies of all. It reigns supreme in Church and State, 
in morals, and even in the minutest domestic and social arrange- 
ments. Brigham's house is at once tabernacle, capital and 
harem ; and Brigham himself is king, priest, lawgiver, and chief 
polygamist. Is treason hatched in Utah? — Brigham is the 
head traitor. Is a law enacted? — Brigham's advice deter- 
mines it. Is an offending 'Gentile' or an Apostate Mor- 



28 -'^v 2 'M OD U C 1 On i '. 

mon to be assassinated? — the order emanates from Brig- 
ham. 

In addition to all this, he heals the afflicted by the laying 
on of hands, and comforts the widow by becoming her hus- 
band. It may be asked, does he do this without compensa- 
tion? No, his pay is both high and certain. He taxes his 
deluded followers to the extent of all surplus property upon their 
arrival in the Territory. He subsequently taxes them to the 
extent of one-tenth of their annual productions and labor, and if 
reluctant to pay, he mercilessly snatches all they have. He 
has through the Legislature unrestricted license to tax mer- 
chants. By legislation, all estrays in the Territory are impound- 
ed and sold, and the proceeds paid over to him. By like author- 
ity he seizes upon the great highway between our Atlantic and 
Pacific possessions, grants exclusive rights to erect bridges and 
ferries across all the streams in the Territory, and fixes the toll 
at enormous rates, ranging from five to ten dollars for a team, 
expressly providing in the law that a portion of the receipts shall 
be paid over to himself, by which means, whether willing or 
unwilling, the emigrant to the Pacific coast is forced to build up 
the Church, and furnish money to emigrate pious sisters to Zion 
to replenish the harems of the hoary-headed leaders of the 
Church ; and as if to consummate the matter of pay, all escheats 
in the Territory are to him ; the property of the emigrant, and 
even the habiliments of the deceased may be sold, and the pro- 
ceeds paid over to him. He selects for himself the choicest 
spots of land in the Territory, and they yield him their produc- 
tions, none daring to interfere. 

"The timber in the mountains for a great distance from Salt 
Lake City belongs to him, and it is only by delivering each third 
load, as he shall order, that the gates are opened and the citizen 
allowed to pass up City Creek canyon to obtain it. Having ap- 
propriated all that he desires for his own use, he has quite ex- 
tensive tracts of country furnished him by the Federal Govern- 
ment as capital for his Church. He sends his agents, denomi- 
nating them missionaries, to Europe, who represent Utah as a 
paradise, and go into the market offering each proselyte who will 
come to Zion, a homestead of a quarter of a section of land — 
being in return compensated by the addition of females to fill the 
harems, and the tithing which will in the future accrue to him. 
The cattle on a thousand hills exhibit his brand. He fixes his 
pay — pays himself. His pampered but plebeian body reposes 
in a palace, and scores of bright-eyed women call him husband. 
His deluded followers yield him implicit obedience, and a 
Church organization known as ' Danites ' or ' Destroying An- 
gels,' stands ready to protect his person, or avenge his wrongs, 
and to execute his pleasure. 



INFB OD UC TOIi r. 2 9 

"The legislators of the Territory are Mormons. The endow- 
ment oaths bind them to yield an implicit obedience to Brigham, 
as the head of the Church, and political head of the Territory. 
His mandates are superior to all law. The Mormons are fanat- 
ics ; they will keep their oath to obey him. Did not their relig- 
ion induce, their fears would compel obediencp, for the ven- 
geance of Brigham, though silent, is swift, and fearful as the 
horrors of death can make it. Mormon punishment for Mor- 
mon apostasy is like the old curse of former Popes, it extends 
from the soles of the feet to the hairs of the head. It sep- 
arates the husband from the wife ; it reaches from the 
confiscation of property to the severance of the windpipe. 
Armed with such power over the. hearts and lives of the people, 
Brigham defiantly drives the barbaric chariot of Mormon rob- 
ber}^, murder, polygamy and incest over all law, in defiance 
of all Federal officials in the Territory. Brigham not only con- 
trols the legislation, but he controls the courts. He uses the 
one to aid in accomplishing the other. 

"As one of the Associate Justices of the Territory of Utah, 
in the month of April, 1859, I commenced and held a term of 
the District Court for the Second Judicial District, in the city 
of Provo, about sixty miles south of Salt Lake City. General 
A. S. Johnston, in command of the Military Department, fur- 
nished a small military force for the purpose of protecting the 
Court. A Grand Jury was impaneled, and their attention was 
pointedly and specifically called to the great number of crimes 
that had been committed in the immediate vicinity, cases of 
public notoriety both as to the offense and the persons who had 
perpetrated the same ; for none of these things had ' been done 
in a corner.' Their perpetrators had scorned alike conceal- 
ment or apology before the arrival of the American forces. The 
Jury, thus instructed, though kept in session two weeks, utterly 
refused to do anything, and were finally discharged as an evi- 
dently useless appendage to a court of justice. But the Court 
was determined to try a last resource to bring to light and to 
punish those guilty of the atrocious crimes which -had been 
committed in the Territory, and the session continued. Bench 
warrants, based upon sworn information, were issued against 
the alleged criminals, and United States Marshal Dotson, a most 
excellent and reliable oflicer, aided by a military posse, procured 
on his own i*equest, had succeeded in making a few arrests. A 
general stampede immediately took place among the Mormons ; 
and what I wish to call your attention to as particularly notice- 
able, is the fact that this occurred more especially among the 
Church oflicials and civil officers. Why were these classes so 
peculiarl}^ urgent and hasty in flight? The law of evidence, 
based on the experience of ages, has but one answer. It was- 



:30 INTB OD UC TOE Y. 

the consciousness of guilt which drove them to seek a refuge 
from the avenging arm of the law, armed at last, as they sup- 
posed, with power to vindicate its injured majesty. It is a well 
known fact that many of the bishops and presidents of ' Stakes ' 
remained secreted in the mountains until the news was confirmed 
beyond doubt, which announced the retrograde course of the 
administration at Washington. ***** 

* * * Sitting as a committing magistrate, com- 
plaint after complaint was made before me of murders and rob- 
beries. Among these I may mention as peculiarly and shock- 
ingly prominent, the murder of Forbes, the assassination of the 
Parishes and Potter, of Jones and his mother, of the Aiken 
party, of which there were six in all ; and worst and darkest in 
this appalling catalogue of blood, the cowardly, cold-blooded 
butchery and robbery at the Mountain Meadows. At that time 
there still lay, all ghastly under the sun of Utah, the unburied 
skeletons of one hundred and nineteen men, women and chil- 
dren, the hapless, hopeless victims of the Mormon creed." 

Judge Cradlebaugh then gives a full history of his visit to the 
scene of the massacre and of his utter failure to procure the 
arrest of one of the guilty parties ; and also gives the reasons 
why the Courts were powerless to bring offenders to justice. 
After giving the history of many of the crimes committed by the 
priestly crew, the speech closes with the following eloquent sen- 
tences : 

"There can be no doubt that the mass of the Mormon com- 
munity are misled in their errors by a set of heartless, fanati- 
cal leaders. Their success- may be much attributed to their 
isolation. That isolation the fast filUng up of the Great Basin, 
because of its vast mineral deposits, will soon do away with. 
Nevada now has a population equal to Utah. Thriving towns 
and cities are springing up on the Humboldt river — and in near 
proximity to the Mormons. Brigham sees this, and he knows 
and feels that he must place himself in a position to prevent 
the consequences to his system which will grow out of this con- 
tiguity of settlement. He feels that he cannot keep his women 
where they have a chance to get away, unless he can protect 
himself by legislation further than he is able to do while his 
community remains under the general jurisdiction of the Gov- 
ernment. It is on that account that he manifests so great a 
•desire to become an independent State. I say he desires to 
become a State, for under his tyrannical sway, and with the 
system that is now prevalent, Brigham would be the State and 
the State would be Brigham. 

"The people of Utah have nothing but ill will towards our 
government. The great mass know nothing of our institu- 



TNTB OD UC TOn Y. 3 1 

tions ; tbey came to Zion, not to Ara(3rica. They are hurried 
through the settled portions of our country without being allow- 
ed to become acquainted with our people or institutions. Upon 
arriving in Utah they hear nothing but abuse of our people ; the 
whole fountain of patriotism is polluted, and they are taught 
tliat they owe neither allegiance nor love to our government. 
Treason and insubordination are openly taught. God forbid 
that this people should be admitted into the Union as an inde- 
pendent State ; I protest against it in the name of humanity, 
which it would violate by the admission ; I protest against it on 
behalf of my constituents, who have a deep interest in the in- 
stitutions that are to prevail in the great American Basin ; I 
protest against it in the name and on behalf of the murdered 
victims of the cruel Mormon faith, whose mouldering bones are 
bleaching in almost every valley in the Territory ; I protest 
against it on behalf of the downtrodden and undone women 
of Utah, who, with their female posterity, in all time to 
come, will bless those that would not aid in keeping them in 
bondage." 

The foregoing is, in my judgment, sufficient to show what 
Mormonism was, and the influences that were brought to bear 
upon the citizens of Utah at the time of the commission of the 
massacre. 

The Territory was practically without courts of justice from 
1857 until after the passage of the " Poland Bill," since which 
time the Federal officers in Utah have made great and praise- 
worthy exertions to enforce the laws in the Territory. 

ORGANIZATION OF THE COURT AT BEAVER CITY. 

' The Second District Court convened in Beaver City, Utah 
Territory, on the seventh day of September, A. D. 1874. A 
grand jury was summoned for the 7th of September, but the 
panel was not completed until the 9th of September. This was 
the first grand jury under the Poland Bill. This was the first 
term of this court at which a Federal or Gentile officer had 
charge of the grand jury. 

This grand jury consisted of fifteen men, ten Gentiles, four 
Mormons, and one Apostate. 

Wm. Stokes and B. L. Duncan rendered efficient service in 
procuring witnesses to go before this grand jury. 

This grand jury was in session from the 9lh to the 25th day of 
September, 1874. The indictment against John D. Lee and 
others, charging them with the crime of murder at the Moun- 
tain Meadows, was returned into court on the 24th day of 



32 I^TB OD UC TOE Y. 

September, 1874. Twenty-eight indictments for various crimes 
were found and returned by this jury. D. P. Whedon, Esq., 
acted as deputy United States Attorney, and drew all the in- 
dictments presented at that term of court. Great credit is due 
to Judge AVhedon for the able manner in which he discharged 
his duty while acting as deputy United States Attorney in Utah. 

Hon. Jacob S. Boreman was the Presiding Judge during all 
of the time since 1874, in that district. 

General George P. Maxwell, the United States Marshal for 
Utah, was an efiicient ofllcer. He resigned his position after the 
first trial of Lee, and was succeeded by Colonel William Nelson^ 
the present United States Marshal for Utah. 

James R. Wilkins, the clerk of the court, is an affable, edu- 
cated gentleman, in every way qualified for his position. 

Hon. William Carey, United States Attorney, who prosecuted 
at the first trial, was succeeded by Hon. Sumner Howard, who 
secured a conviction of Lee, by beating the Mormons at their 
own game of trickery. 

At the first trial, a jury was sworn to try the case on the 24th 
day of July, 1875. 

The prosecution was conducted by William Carey, United 
States Attorne}^ for Utah, D. P. Whedon, deputy United States 
Attorney, P. N. Boskin, Presley Denney, Charles H. Swift 
and C. M. Hawle3^ 

The defendant was represented by J. G. Sutherland, E. D^ 
Hoge, Wells Spicer, John McFarland and Wm. W. Bishop. 

After several days of legal strife, the case was given to the 
jury, and failing to agree (nine being for Not Guilty, and three 
being for Guilty), the jury were discharged and the case con- 
tinued. 

At the succeeding May term of the Court, the prosecution 
being without money to carry on the case, or procure witnesses, 
and the defendant insisting upon a trial, the court admitted him 
to bail in the sum of ten thousand dollars, which bail was at once 
giv^n, and Lee was then discharged from custody, and remain- 
ed at liberty until a few days before the commencement of the 
second trial, at which time he was surrendered to the court by 
his Mormon bondsmen, they having been ordered by the Church 
authorities to withdraw all assistance and sympathy from John 
D. Lee, as he had been selected as a victim to shoulder the sins, 
of the people of the Mormon Church. Daniel H. Wells was pres- 



INTBODUCTOBY. 33 

ent in person at Beaver, to see that the treachery of the Mor- 
mon leaders was completely carried out. 

September 14, 1876, a jury was empaneled to try the case 
the second time. Twelve jurymen were found who were con- 
sidered safe by the Church authorities, and all other parties 
concerned, and the trial commenced. The attorneys for the 
defendant had been furnished a list of the jurymen, and the list 
was examined by a committee of Mormons, who marked those 
who would convict with a dash ( — ), those who would rather 
not convict with a star (*), and those who were certain to 
acquit John D. Lee, under all circumstances, with two stars 
(**). It is sufficient on that subject to simply say, all the jury- 
men accepted were marked with the two stars in the list, 
and they acted as the Church directed — they convicted ! As a 
matter of explanation, I may be pardoned for saying that the 
Mormons, who gave us the list so marked, had shown it to How- 
ard before they gave it to us, and informed him that he had 
nothing to fear! The law and evidence, and also Brigham 
Young and the Mormon Church, were then all against Lee, 
hence his conviction was a foregon-e conclusion. The evidence 
is given in full in the body of this work, and speaks for itself. 

The jury brought in a verdict of guilty of murder in the first 
degree, and the Court passed sentence of death upon Lee. The 
case was appealed to the Supreme Court of Utah Territory, and 
the judgment of the District Court affirmed. Lee was again 
taken to Beaver and sentenced to be shot. The sentence was 
carried into effect on the 23d day of March, A. D. 1877. 

At the last trial the prosecution was conducted by Sumner 
Howard, U. S. Attorney for Utah, and Presley Denney, Deputy 
U. S. Attorney. 

The defendant was represented by Wells Spicer, J. C. Foster 
and W. W. Bishop. 

After John D. Lee had been convicted, he consented to make 
a full confession of all that he knew concerning the Mountain 
Meadows Massacre, and at his request I assisted him in writing 
up the confession. He then made an assignment of all his 
writings to me, and requested me to publish the same. I have 
over one thousand pages of his manuscripts and writings, in his 
own handwriting. I have corrected the same as I have seen fit, 
by correcting the spelling and punctuation ; otherwise I give the 
writings and confessions in the exact lanofuagre of John D. Lee. 



34 INTB OD UCTOB Y. 

Several persons having made claim to the possession of the true 
confession of Lee, I can only say that what I have published 
was given to me by him for the purpose of publication, and that 
he insisted up to the moment of his execution his statements 
were true. 

As my authority for publishing his life and confessions, I give 
the following letter, which he wrote to me, and which, with 
others that I have since received from him, and still retain, give 
me the sole right to publish his writings. The letter reads as 

follows : 

"Beaver City, Utah Territory, Sept. 30, 1876. 
"W.W. Bishop: 

'-^ Dear Sir — Having acted for me as one of my Attorneys, and 
having in all respects done your utmost for my acquittal and 
interest generally ; now that I am awaiting sentence of death 
on the charge of having aided in the Mountain Meadows Massa- 
cre, in case of my death, or final imprisonment, I wish you to 
still continue my counsel and friend, and as such to publish to 
the world the history of my life and of my connection with the 
affair for which I have been tried. You are familar with the facts, 
and have my statements, which are true. My journals and private 
papers will be furnished you by my family, the same to be re- 
turned when examined. In justice to myself, and to my family, 
I wish you to publish the true history of my life. After the 
expenses are paid for the publication, I expect you to divide 
the profits arising therefrom with my family. Charging you 
with this sacred trust, and by reason of my own Inability to pub- 
lish my life, by reason of imprisonment, I urge you to carry out 
this my request. "Your true friend and no mistake. 

The Mountain Meadows are situated in Washington County, 
Utah Territory, and between the seventh and eight parallels of 
south latitude, from Salt Lake meridian. If the government 
survey was extended over that portion of Utah Territory, then 
the particular portion of the Meadows where the massacre was 
committed, would be within the limits of township thirty-seven, 
south of range twelve west. The monument, erected at the place 
of the massacre, is three hundred and twenty miles south-west 
from Salt Lake City, by road measure, as the road ran in 
1857. A line extended two hundred miles due south, from Salt 
Lake City, and then run, at right angles, seventy-five miles due 




II i 










J2i QJ 






o r 






2-t o 

P-I •« 
<^ ft 



INTB OB UC TOB Y. 35 

west, would terminate at the monument. The Meadows are 
thirty-six miles south-west of Cedar City, where the massacre 
was finally planned by Haight, Higby, Klingensmith and the 
Mormon authorities then in council. 

At the time of the massacre, if the evidence of the vampires 
who acted as Church slaves to secure the conviction of Lee are 
to be believed, the Meadows were covered with an abundance of 
rank, nutritious grasses, and was a beautiful, smiling spot of 
<iarth, inviting the beholder to rest and repose. 

Now it is an arid waste, with but little vegetation upon its 
plains. The springs, once furnishing a bounteous supply of wa- 
ter, are now comparatively dry and wasted away. The Mead- 
ows are such only in name ; all that gave them beauty has long 
since faded and gone. They lie there as one of the cursed spots 
of earth ; surrounded by desolation so intense that a fanatic, 
seeking death in order to escape from the troubles of this sin- 
cursed earth : seeking death in order to obtain the Celestial re- 
ward offered by some self-styled apostle, anxious to give up life 
at once, and try the realities of the hereafter^ would forego his 
promised joys and dwell in this land of sorrow, for a season, 
rather than lay down the body that he was so anxious to sepa- 
rate from, and leave it to moulder upon the unsightly spot where 
so much of wrong has been done in the name of religion. Mor- 
mon tradition informs us that the ghosts of the slaughtered emi- 
grants meet nightly at the springs, and with phantom-like still- 
ness, but with perfectness of detail, act over in pantomime the 
crudities and horrors connected with the massacre. 

I acknowledge myself greatly indebted to D. P. Whedon, 
Esq., Hon. Wm. Nelson, Wm. Stokes, Esq., John Ward Chris- 
tian, Esq., General George R. Maxwell, Hon. Sumner Howard, 
A. S. Patterson, Esq., and the Salt Lake Tribune Publishing 
Company for many favors extended to me by them, in furnish- 
ing me with valuable documents for use in the work of compil- 
ing this manuscript for publication. 

I also acknowledge myself under many obligations to Col. 
Geo. M. Sabin, of Pioche, Nevada, for his valuable services 
rendered me in the preparation of this work for the press. 

I have now kept faith with my unfortunate client, and feel 
that I have also performed a duty that I owed to myself and 
the country. Wm. W. Bishop. 

Pioche, Nevada, May 17th, 1877. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 
CHAPTER I. 

A STORMY BEGINNING. 

IN JUSTICE to myself, my numerous family, and the public 
in general, I consider it my duty to write a history of my 
life. I shall content myself with giving facts, and let the readers 
draw their own conclusion therefrom. By the world at large, I 
am called a vile criminal, and have been sentenced to be shot 
for deeds committed by myself and others, nearly twenty years 
ago. I never willingly committed a crime. I have acted my 
religion, nothing more. I have obeyed the orders of the Church. 
I have acted as I was commanded to do by my superiors, and if 
I have committed acts that justify my execution, I ask my 
readers to say what should be the fate of the leaders in the 
Church who taught me to believe that I could not and would 
not commit sin while obeying orders of the priesthood ? My 
sins, if any, are the result of doing what I was commanded to do 
by those who were my superiors in authority in the Church of 
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. I will now give the facts 
which relate to my own history, and leave it to others to say 
how I should have acted — how they would have acted if situa- 
ted as I was. 

I was born on the 6th day of September, A. D. 1812, in the 
town of Kaskaskia, Randolph County, Illinois. My father, Ralph 
Lee, was born in the State of Virginia. He was of the family of 
Lees of Revolutionary fame, and was a relative of General 
Robert E. Lee, of the late war ; he served his time as an ap- 
prentice and learned the carpenter's trade in the city of Balti- 
more. My mother was born in Nashville, Tennessee. She was 
the daughter of John Doyle, who for many years held the posi- 
tion of Indian Agent over the roving tribes of Indians in south- 
eastern Illinois. He served in the war of the Revolution, and 
was wounded in one of the many battles in which he took part 
with the Sons of Liberty against the English oppressors. About 



LIFE OF JOIIX D. LEE. 37 

the year 1796, he was appointed Indian Agent, and moved to 
Kaskaskia, IlUnois. 

My mother was first married in 1799, to Oliver Keed, and 
lived with him until he was assassinated by a man named Jones, 
who entered the house when the family were asleep, and 
striking Reed with a seat of a loom, knocked his brains out, at 
the same time severely wounding my half-sister, Eliza Virginia, 
then six months old. The blow and the screams of the child 
awakened my mother, who sprang from the bed, and recognizing 
the assassin, said, "For God's sake, Jones, spare my husband's 
life!" Jones said, ''You know me, G — d — n you! you shall tell 
no tales." With this, he caught up a sugar trough and struck my 
mother on the head with it. The blow rendered her senseless. 
Jones, believing he had completed his work of death, then left 
the house. My mother soon revived, called upon the neighbors 
for assistance, and told who had committed the murder. Jones 
was arrested, convicted and afterwards hung for the crime. 
The injuries received by my mother, from the blow struck by 
Jones, affected her all the rest of her life. 

After the death of Reed, my mother went back to Kaskaskia 
and lived in her father's family until she married my father in 
the year 1808. My mother had two children by my father — that 
is, William Oliver and myself. My brother, William Oliver, died 
when about two years old. At the time of my birth my father 
was considered one of the leading men of that section of country ; 
he was a master workman, sober and attentive to business, 
prompt and punctual to his engagements. He contracted largely 
and carried on a heavy business ; he erected a magnificent man- 
sion, for that age and country, on his land adjoining the town 
of Kaskaskia. This tract of land was the property of my mother 
when she married my father. My grandfather Doyle was a 
wealthy man. He died in 1809 at Kaskaskia, Illinois, and left his 
whole fortune to my mother and her sister Charlotte, by will. 
They being his only children, he divided the property equally 
between them. 

My father and mother were both Catholics, were raised in that 
faith ; I was christened in that Church. William Morrison and 
Louise Phillips stood as my representative god-father and god- 
mother. It is from that Church record that I could alone obtain 
the facts and date that referred to my birth. 

When about one year old, my mother being sick, I was sent 



38 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

to a French nurse, a negro woman. At this time my sister Eliza 
was eleven years old, but young as she was she had to care for 
my mother and do all the work of the household. To add to the 
misfortune, my father began to drink heavily and was soon very 
dissipated ; drinking and gambling was his daily occupation. 
The interest and care of his family was no longer a duty with 
him ; his presence was seldom seen to cheer and comfort his 
lonely, afflicted wife. The house was one mile from town, and 
we had no neighbors nearer than that. The neglect and indif- 
ference on the part of my father towards my afflicted mother, 
served to increase her anguish and sorrow, uutil death came to 
her relief. My mother's death left us miserable indeed ; we were 
(my sister and I) thrown upon the wide world, helpless, and I 
might say, without father or mother. My father when free from 
the effects of intoxicating drink, was a kind-hearted, generous^ 
noble man, but from that time forward he was a slave to drink — 
seldom sober. 

My aunt Charlotte was a regular spit-fire ; she was married tO' 
a man by the name of James Conner, a Kentuckian by birth. 
They lived ten miles north of us. My sister went to live with 
her aunt, but the treatment she received was so brutal that the 
citizens complained to the county commissioners, and she was 
taken away from her aunt and hound out to Dr. Fisher, with 
whose family she lived until she became of age. In the mean- 
time the Doctor moved to the city of Vandalia,* Illinois. I re- 
mained with my nurse until I was eight years of age, when I was 
taken to my aunt Charlotte's, to be educated. I had been in a 
family which talked French so long that I had nearly lost all 
knowledge of my mother tongue. The children at school called 
me Gumbo, and teased me so much that I became disgusted with 
the French language and tried to forget it — which has been a 
disadvantage to me since that time. 

My aunt was rich in her own right. My uncle Conner was 
poor ; he drank and gambled and wasted her fortune ; she in re- 
turn gave him thunder and hlixen all the time. The more she 
scolded, the worse he acted, until they would fight like cats and 
dogs. Between them I was treated worse than an African slave. 
I lived in the family eight years, and can safely sa}'' I got a 
whipping every day I was there. My life was one of misery and 
wretchedness; and if it had not been for my strong religious 
convictions, I certainly would have committed suicide, to have 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 39 

escaped from the miserable condition I was in. I then believed, 
as I do still, that for the crime of suicide there was no forgive- 
ness in this world, or that which is to come. My aunt was more 
like a savage than a civilized woman. In her anger she gener- 
ally took her revenge upon those around her who were the least 
to blame. She would strike with anything she could obtain, 
with which to work an injury. I have been knocked down and 
beaten by her until I was senseless, scores of times, and I yet 
carry many scars on my person, the result of my harsh usage by 
her. 

My experience in childhood made a lasting impression upon 
me ; the horrors of a contentious family have haunted me through 
life. I then resolved in my mind that I would never subject my- 
self to sorrow and misery as my uncle liad done. I would marry 
for love, and not for riches. I also formed the resolution that 
I would never gamble after I was married, and I have kept that 
resolution since I was a married man. 

Aunt Charlotte had five children, four girls and one boy; i. e., 
Minerva C, Amanda, Eliza, Maria and John Edgar. They, as 
well as myself, were strangers to the affections of a mother, and 
the pleasures of a home. 

When I was sixteen years old, I concluded to leave my aunt's 
house — I cannot call it home ; my friends advised me to do so. 
I walked one night to Kaskaskia; went to Robert Morrison and 
told him my story. He was a mail contractor. He clothed me 
comfortably, and sent me over the Mississippi river into Missouri, 
to carry the mail from St. Genevieve to Pinckney, on the north 
side of the Missouri River, via Potosi, a distance of one hundred 
and twenty-seven miles. It was a weekly mail. I was to receive 
seven dollars a month for my services. This was in December, 
1828, It was a severe winter ; snow unusually deep, and roads 
bad. I was often until two o'clock at night in reaching my sta- 
tions. In the following Spring I came near losing my life on 
several occasions when swimming the streams, which were then 
generally over their banks. The Meramec was the worse 
stream I had to cross, but I escaped danger, and gave satisfac- 
tion to my employer. At my request, I was changed, in the 
Spring of 1829, to the route from Kaskaskia to Vandalia, Illinois, 
the then capital of the State ; the route went b3^ Covington and 
Carlisle. This was also a weekly route ; the distance was about 
one hundred miles, and I had eighteen hours in which to make 



40 21012MOXISM UNVEILED. 

the trip. While I was carrying the mail in Missouri, I got a let- 
ter from my sister, informing me of her marriage to Josiah 
Nichols, a nephew of Barker Berry, the sheriff of Fayette coun- 
ty, Illinois, and inviting me to visit them. Nichols was a 
wealthy man, and lived sixteen miles north of Vandalia. I had 
not met my sister for many years, so I concluded to visit her. 
This was one reason why I wished to be put on the Vandalia 
route. One day, when I arrived at Vandalia, I did not find 
the post-master in the post-office. I could not find Irim, so I left 
the mail at the post-office door, and rode up to my brother-in- 
law's house. I had a pleasant visit there, and returned the next 
morning to carry the mail back to Kaskaskia. The post-master, 
not knowing where I was, had sent another person with the mail, 
at my expense. It cost me $ 15.00 — a little over my wages for 
two months. I returned to Kaskaskia, where my employer re- 
ceived me kindly, and laughed at my mishap. I agreed to pay 
all damages if he would change me to another route, for I could 
not consent to return again to the scene of my failure. My em- 
ployer kindly gave me the place as stage driver from Kaskaskia 
to Shawneetown, on the Ohio river. The route ran by Pinkney- 
ville and Gallatin ; and it was one hundred and twenty miles in 
length, through a thinly settled country. I drove on that line 
about one month, when I commenced driving stage from Kas- 
kaskia to Belleville. In traveling this route, I passed by my aunt 
Charlotte Conner's place. Uncle Conner had then gone to the 
lead mines at Galena. When my aunt and cousins saw me, they 
all begged me to return and live with them. They made great 
promises of kindness, and I was finally persuaded to agree to 
return, and live in the family. I soon quit the stage-driving 
business and returned to my aunt's. 

All I know of my father, after I was eight years of age, is, 
that he went to Texas in the year 1820, and I have never heard 
of him since. What his fate was I never knew. 

When my mother died, my uncle and aunt Conner took all 
the property — a large tract of land, several slaves, household 
and kitchen furniture, and all ; and, as I had no guardian, I never 
received any portion of the property ; in fact I was robbed of all. 
The slaves were set free by an act of the Legislature ; the land 
was sold for taxes, and was hardly worth redeeming when I 
came of age ; so I sold my interest in all the land that had be- 
lono-ed to mv mother, and made a quit-claim deed to it to Sidney 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 41 

Breeze, a lawyer of Kaskaskia, in consideration of $200. My 
sister, by the kindness of Dr. Fisher, her guardian, received a 
much greater price for her interest in the land than I did. 

I was born on the point of land lying between and above the 
mouth of the Okaw or Kaskaskia river and the Mississippi river, 
in what is known as the Great American Bottom — the particular 
point I refer to was then called Zeal-no-waw, the Island of Nuts. 
It was nineteen miles from the point of the bluffs to the mouth 
of the Okaw river; ten miles wide up at the bluffs and tapering 
to a point where the rivers united. Large bands of wild horses, 
French ponies called "punt" horses, were to be found any day 
feeding on the evergreen and nutritious grasses and vegetation. 
Cattle and hogs were also running wild in great numbers ; every 
kind of game, large and small, could be had with little exertion. 
The streams were full of fish; the forests contained many 
varieties of timber ; nuts, berries, and wild fruits of every de- 
scription, found in the temperate zone, could be had in their 
season. This point of land is one of the finest on the globe ; 
there I spent my early years ; there I had pleasures and sorrows ; 
there I met the maiden that first taught me love's young dream. 
Near by was the Kaskaskia Reservation of the Kaskaskia 
Indians, Louis DuQuoin was Chief of the tribe. He had a frame 
house painted in bright colors, but he never would farm any, 
game being so plentiful he had no need to labor. Nearly all the 
settlers were French, and not very anxious for education or im- 
provement of any kind. I was quite a lad before I ever saw a 
wagon, carriage, set of harness, or a ring, a staple or set of 
bows to an ox yoke. The first wagon I ever saw was brought 
into that county by a Yankee peddler ; his outfit created as great 
an excitement in the settlement as the first locomotive did in 
Utah; the people flocked in from every quarter to see the 
Yankee wagon. Every thing in use in that country was of the 
most simple and primitive construction. There were no saw 
mills or grist mills in that region ; sawed lumber was not in the 
country. The wagons were two-wheeled carts made entirely of 
^ood — not a particle of iron about them — the hubs were of white 
elm, spokes of white oak or hickory, the felloes of black walnut, 
as it was soft and would bear rounding. The felloes were made 
six inches thick, and were strongly dowelled together with 
seasoned hardwood pins ; the linch pin was of hickory or ash ; 
the thills were wood ; in fact all of it was wood. The harness 



42 M01U102US21 UNVEILED. 

consisted of a corn husk collar, hames cut from an ash tree root, 
or from an oak ; tugs were raw hide ; the lines also were raw 
hide ; a hackamere or halter was used in place of a bridle ; one 
horse was lashed between the thills by raw hide straps and pins 
in the thills for a hold back ; when two horses were used, the 
second horse was fastened ahead of the first by straps fastened 
on to the thills of the cart. 

Oxen were yoked as follows: A square stick of timber of suf- 
ficient length was taken and hollowed out at the ends to fit on 
the neck of the ox, close up to the horns, and this was fastened 
by raw hide straps to the horns. All other implements were 
made in an equally primitive manner. The people were of ne- 
cessity self-sustaining, for they were forced to depend upon their 
own resources for everything they used. Clothing was made of 
home manufactured cloth or the skins of wild animals. Im- 
ported articles were procured at heavy cost, and but few found 
their way to our settlements. Steamboats and railroads were 
then unthought of, by us at least, and the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi was carried on in small boKts, that could be drawn up 
along the river bank by means of oars, spikes, poles and hooks. 
The articles most in demand in the settlements were axes, hoes, 
cotton cards, hatchels for cleaning flax, hemp and cotton, spin- 
ning wheels, knives and ammunition, guns and bar shears for 
plows. In exchange for such goods the people traded beef, 
hides, furs, tallow, beeswax, honey, etc. Money was not needed 
or used by any one — everything was trade and barter. 

The people were generous and brave. Their pleasures and 
pastimes were those usual in frontier settlements. They were 
hardy, and well versed in woodcraft. They aided each other, 
and were all in all a noble class of people, possessing many vir- 
tues and few faults. The girls were educated by their mothers 
to work, and had to work. It was then a disgrace for a 3'oung 
woman not to know how to take the raw material — the flax and 
cotton — and, unaided, manufacture her own clothing. It is a 
lamentable fact that such is no longer the case. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE INDUSTRIOUS YOUNG MAN. 

AFTER I settled up with my employer and drew my wages 
I had but little money left. But I had learned one good 
lesson: that men who will lead you into trouble will seldom 
stand by you to get you out of it. I then knew that a soft 
answer turned away wrath, and I also found out that a man 
should never spend money that he had not earned. So I de- 
termined to live within my income from that time forward, to be 
prompt and punctual to all my engagements ; making my word 
my honor and my bond. These rules I incorporated into my 
creed and tried hard to reduce them to practice. 

I formed a liking for Emily Conner, the daughter of Heniy 
Conner, when we were quite young. Her father was Marshal of 
the State of lUinois, under Ninian Edwards, the Governor of the 
State. Emily was an orphan, and lived for about four years at 
my aunt Charlotte's after her mother died, and until her father 
married again. She had a consoling word for me at all times 
when I was in trouble. From being friends, we became lovers 
and were engaged to be married, when my circumstances would 
permit. The year after I quit driving stage, I raised a large 
crop of grain on my aunt's farm, but she did not think I was 
entitled to any pay for it. This, after her fine promises, was 
rather disheartening, but I bore it without complaining. My 
uncle Conner returned home that Fall, and was much pleased 
to see me back on the farm again, and by his influence I was 
well treated the remainder of the Fall and Winter. That Winter 
I went to a school for three months. Early in the Spring the 
Indian war, known as the Black Hawk war, broke out, and vol- 
unteers were called for. I enrolled myself at the first call, in 
the company of Captain Jacob Feaman, of Kaskaskia. My 
uncle Conner was First Lieutenant in the same company. The 
company was ordered to rendezvous at Fort Armstrong, Rock 
Island, where the troops were reorganized, and Capt. Feamaa 



44 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

was promoted to Colonel, and James Conner became Captain of 
the company. I served until the end of the war, and was en- 
gaged in many skirmishes, and lastly was at the battle of Bad 
Axe, which I think took place on the 4th day of August, A. D. 
1831, but am not certain as to the date. 

The soldiers were allowed to go home about the first of Sep- 
tember, 1831. Our company got to Kaskaskia, and were dis- 
charged, I think, on the first of September, 1831. I got back to 
m}' uncle's with a broken-down horse and worn-out clothing, 
and without money. During that month I concluded to seek a 
more genial clime, one where I could more rapidly better my 
financial condition. I went to see and talk with Emily, the 
friend of my childhood, and the girl that taught me first to love. 
I informed her of my intentions. We pledged mutual and last- 
ing fidelity to each other, and I bid farewell to the old farm, 
and went to St. Louis to seek employment. When I landed on 
the wharf at St. Louis, I met a negro by the name of Barton, 
who had formerly been a slave to my mother. He informed me 
that he was a fireman on the steamboat Warrior, running the 
Upper Mississippi, between St. Louis, Mo., and Galena, Illinois. 
I told him I wanted work. He said be could get me a berth on 
the Warrior as fireman, at $25.00 a month; but he considered 
the work more than I could endure, as it was a hard, hot boat 
to fire on. I insisted .on making the effort, and was employed 
as fireman on the Warrior, at $25.00 per month. I found the 
work was very hard. The first two or three times that I was on 
watch, I feared I would be forced to give it up ; but my proud 
spirit bore me up, and I managed to do my work until we 
reached the lower rapids near Keokuk. At this place the War- 
rior transferred its freight, in light boats, over the rapids to the 
Henry Clay, a steamer belonging to the same line. 

The Henry Clay then lay at Commerce, now known as Nauvoo. 
I was detailed with two others to take a skiff with four passen- 
gers over the rapids. The passengers were Mrs. Bogges and 
her mother, and a lady whose name I have forgotten, and Mr. 
Bogges. The distance to the Henry Clay from where the War- 
rior lay, was twelve miles. A large portion of the cargo of the 
Warrior belonsjed to the firm of Bogges & Co. When we had 
gone nearly half-way over the rapids my two assistants got drunk 
and could no longer assist me ; they lay down in the skiff and 
went to sleep. Night was fast approaching, and there was no 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. A^ 

chance for sleep or refreshment, until we could reach Com- 
merce or the Henry Clay. The whole labor fell on me, to take 
that skiff and its load of passengers to the steamer. Mr. Bogges 
aided me when he could do so, but much of the distance I had 
to wade in the water and push the skiff as was most convenient. 
I had on a pair of new calf-skin boots when we started, but 
they were cut out by the rocks in the river long before we 
reached the end of the journey. 

After a great deal of hardship I succeeded in getting my pas- 
sengers to the steamer just as it became dark. 1 was wet, 
cold, hungry and nearly exhausted. I had strained every nerve 
to accomplish my task, and save those ladies from a night of 
suffering in an open skiff on the river. Yet when we boarded 
the boat I was forgotten ; no one paid any attention to me. I 
was among strangers. I expected that the passengers that I 
had so faithfully served would see to my wants, but in this 
I was mistaken ; no one paid any attention to me. I sat down 
by the engine in my wet clothing and soon fell asleep, without 
bedding or food. I slept from exhaustion until near midnight, 
when I was seized with fearful crampings, accompanied by a 
cold and deathlike numbness. I tried to rise up, but could 
not. Every time I made an effort to rise, the pains increased. 
I thought my time had come, and that I would perish without 
aid or assistance. When all hope had left me, I heard a foot- 
step approaching, and a man came and bent over me and asked 
if I was ill. I recognized the voice as that of Mr. Bogges. I 
said I was in the agonies of death, and a stranger without a 
friend on the boat. He felt my pulse, and hastened away, say- 
ing as he left me, ''Do not despair, young man, you are not 
without friends, I will return at once." He soon came to me 
bringing a lantern and a bottle of cholera medicine, and gave 
me a large dose of the medicine, then he brought the Captain 
and others to me. I was soon comfortably placed in bed, and 
from that time I had every attention paid me, and all the medi- 
cal care that was necessary. Mr. Bogges sat by me a long 
time and rubbed my hands and limbs until the cramping gave 
way. He told me by way of apology for his seeming neglect, 
that he had supposed I was one of the regular crew of the 
Henry Clay, and was among friends. That his wife and mother- 
in-law had noticed that I appeared to be a stranger, and they had 
seen me when I sat down by the engine alone ; that after they 



40 M0B2I0NISM UNVEILED. 

retired, his wife was restless and insisted on his getting up and 
finding me ; this was the occasion of his assistance coming as it 
did. He then asked me why I was there and for a history of 
my former career. I gave him a brief history of my life, which 
seemed to interest him very much. He told me he had formed 
a slight acquaintance with my uncle Conner, at Galena, the year 
before, and considered him rather a hard case. So the conver- 
sation dropped for that night. I recovered rapidly, and by noon 
next day was up, and reported myself to the Captain for duty, 
informing him why I was there, and what I came for. I was set 
to work loading the steamer. In the meantime, Mr. Bogges had 
contracted for freighting his goods to Galena, where he resided ; 
and had provided for the passage of himself, wife and mother-in- 
law. They would go by land from Commerce, as he dreaded 
the passage of the upper rapids in time of low water, as it then 
was. After finishing the loading of the steamer, I again began 
to fire up to get ready for a start. While so engaged, Mr. Bogges 
came to me, and talked to me for some time. He said steam- 
boating was a hard life at best, that I would be constantly wet, 
cold, and broken of my rest, and would soon drift into bad hab- 
its ; that he considered me an honorable young man, and felt an 
interest in me like a father should feel for a son ; that he admired 
my grit and courage, and said I had manly principles, which 
was more than the average, that his wife was interested in my 
welfare, and that, at the suggestion of her and her mother, and 
of his own wish, he now offered to employ me, and wished me 
to go to Galena with him, and act as his clerk that winter ; that he 
was doing business as a provision and groceryman, that in the 
Spring he would furnish me with tools, and every thing I needed, 
and I could go to mining, if I wished to do so, and he would 
then give me the half that we could make. He asked me then 
what wages I was getting. I told him $25. ["I will give 
you $50," said he. I said, "You are very kind, indeed, 
sir. I should not charge you more than I am getting here, ex- 
cept my expenses from Galena to Saint Louis, as I may have that 
to pay, for I may not suit you ; for I have had very little expe- 
rience in selling goods, though I have traded and trafficked con- 
siderably with the people where I have lived. And the services 
that I rendered you, as we came up the river, was simply my 
duty. It was what I had been employed to do, and I did it and no 
more." He said, " I know what yc\x have done, and if you will 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 47 

only go with me, I will pay you double what you are getting 
here, and perhaps three times as much." "But," said I, "you 
know I am already employed, and have no right to break my 
contract, and leave my employer." He said he would arrange 
that with the Captain, if I would go with him. I consented, and 
after settling with the Captain of the Henry Clay, who bid me 
good bye and good luck, I started for Galena, Illinois, with 
Mr. Bogges and his family, to take charge of a business then 
almost new to me. 

We reached Galena in safety, and good health. Now a new 
era in my life commenced. Mr. William Bogges introduced 
me to John D. Mulhgan, his partner. I at once commenced my 
duties as salesman and bar-tender at the store, and general out- 
side man for Mr. Wm. Bogges ; who placed me in charge of 
ever}'- thing in which he was interested. 

The business was such that I found it more than play. Many 
a time I did not get rest or sleep for forty-eight hours at a time. 
I have frequently taken in $100 in twenty-four hours for 
drinks, at five cents a drink. The receipts, for provisions sold, 
would average $1000 a day. During the winter, Mr. Mulli- 
gan was taken sick, and I had the whole business to attend ti^ 
for three weeks. I found out that the clerks in stores have as 
hard work to do, and put in more hours during the day and 
night than the farm hand has to labor. I paid strict attention 
to business, making the interest of my employers m}^ interest. 
On account of my faithful services, I was permitted to prepare 
hot lunches during the night, to sell to gamblers. What I made 
was my own. In this way I made from $50 to $100 a month extra. 

One day while I was absent from the store, looking after the 
farming interests of Mr. Bogges, a French half-breed, by the 
name of Shaunce, got on a drunken spree and cleared out the 
store, and saloon, too ; he broke considerable furniture, glass- 
ware, and made himself generally troublesome. When I re- 
turned at night, Mr. Bogges told me of all the troubles that 
Shaunce had occasioned, and said if he repeated it, I must give 
him a good drubbing. I said I would rather have nothing to 
do with him. Things were quiet for a few days, then the miners 
got on a spree, and a large number of them came to where I was 
working. Shaunce was in the crowd. I was then out at dinner. 
They attacked Mulligan, beat him up badly, and ran him out of 
the building ; then the drunken crowd set things up generally. 



48 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

Hearing the disturbance, I ran to the store. I entered by the 
back door, and went behind the counter. As I did so Shaunce 
ran to tlie counter and grabbed up a large number of tumblers, 
and threw them over the house, breaking them all. I said, 
"Mr. Shaunce, you must either behave, or go out of the house." 
As I said so, he jumped over the counter, caught me b}'" the 
throat, and shoved me back against the counter, saying, "You 
d — d little pup, how dare you insult me! '* There was no time 
to swap knives. I must either receive a severe beating, or do 
something to prevent it. I remembered the advice that my 
uncle Conner had given me about fighting. He said, "John, if 
you ever get in a fight with a man that over-matches you, take 
one of his hands in both of yours, and let him strike as he may, 
but get one of his fingers in your mouth and then bite it, and 
bold on until he gives up." Acting on this advice, I succeeded 
in getting one of his thumbs in my mouth. I held to it until I 
dislocated the thumb joint, when he yelled, "Take him off I '* 
This little afi'air made a quiet man of Shaunce, and my employ- 
ers were more pleased with me than ever before. They made 
me a present of S50 for what I had done. 

I formed a slight acquaintance with the father of General 
Grant while in Galena. He was a steady, orderly man. U. S. 
Grant was then about seventeen years of age. I remember a 
story that was told at that time about the Grant family by John 
L. Dickerson, who resided near Galena. Dickerson had a horse 
that he wanted to sell, and young Grant took a fancy to it and 
insisted that his father should buy it for him. The father sent 
young Grant to buy the horse, but directed him to give no more 
than $60, and said, "You offer him $50, and if he refuses that, 
offer $55 ; if he still refuses, you can give $60, but that is as 
much as I will pay, for he has offered it for that price." Young 
Grant went to Dickerson and commenced to talk about buying 
the horse. Dickerson said, "Tell me just what your father said 
about your trading with me." This made Grant think a few 
minutes, when he said, " Mr. Dickerson, I expect it is best to 
tell the truth." Then he informed him what his father had said. 
Dickerson was so pleased at it that he let Grant have the horse 
for $55, saying he deducted $5 on account of the lad being so 
honest. 

I made money while with Bogges & Co., and was saving of 
what I earned. I did not gamble. I took good care of myself,. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 49 

and, having the respect of every person, I admit I was quite 
vain and proud. I was accused by the gamblers of being 
stingy with my money. So I thought I would do as others did, 
and commenced to give money to others as a stake to gamble 
with on shares. Soon I began to play. I won and lost, but did 
not play to any great extent. Mr. Bogges took me to task for 
gambling, gave me good advice, and showed me how utterly 
impossible it was for me to be a successful business man if I 
gambled. He also showed me many of the tricks of the gam- 
blers, and I promised him to quit the practice as soon as I got 
married, and also not to gamble any more while in his employ. 
I kept these promises. 

In the early part of 1832 I received an affectionate letter from 
my Emily, desiring me to return to her, and settle down before 
I had acquired a desire for a rambling life. I then had $500 in 
money and two suits of broad-cloth clothing. I was anxious to 
see Emily, sol settled up with Bogges & Co., and started for 
home. Emily was then living at her sister's house in Prairie de 
Roache ; her brother-in-law, Thos. Blay, kept the tavern there. 
I boarded with them about two weeks, during which time I play- 
ed cards with the Frenchmen there, and dealt 'ya?^^^me, or twenty- 
one, for them to bet at. I was lucky, but I lived fast, and spent 
my money freely, and soon found that half of it was gone. 

I soon discovered that Emily was dissatisfied with my con- 
duct. I proposed immediate marriage ; Emily proposed to wait 
until the next fall, during which time we were to prepare for 
housekeeping. Her suggestions were well intended, and she 
wished to see if I would not reform, for she had serious doubts 
about the propriety of marrying a gambler. She asked me to 
quit gambling, and if I had made that promise all would have 
been well, but I was stubborn and proud and refused to make 
any promise ; I thought it was beneath my dignity. I really in- 
tended to never gamble after my wedding, but I would not tell 
her so ; my vanity overruled my judgment. I said to her that if 
she had not confidence enough in me to take me as I was, with- 
out requiring me to give such a promise, I would never see her 
again until I came to ask her to my wedding. This was cruel, 
and deeply wounded her ; she burst into tears and turned from 
me. I never saw her again until I went to ask her to attend my 
wedding. I went up into the country and stopped with my 
cousins ; while there I met the bride of my youth ; she was the 
4 



50 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

daughter of Joseph Woolsey and Abigail his wife ; they had four 
daughters, all grown. I attended church, went to parties, pic- 
nics, etc., with the girls, and fell in love with Agathe Ann, the 
eldest girl. The old folks were opposed to my marrying their 
daughter, but after suffering the tortures and overcoming the 
obstacles usual in such cases, I obtained the consent of the 
girl's parents, and was married to Agathe Ann Woolsey on the 
24th day of July, A. D. 1833. The expenses of the wedding 
ended all my money, and I was ready to start the world new 
and fresh. I had about ^50 to procure things to keep house on, 
but it was soon gone ; yet it procured about all we then thought 
we needed. I commenced housekeeping near my wife's father's, 
and had good success in all that I undertook. I made money, 
or rather I obtained considerable property, and was soon com- 
fortably fixed. I followed trading everything, and for every- 
thing that was in the country. 

My wife was born January 18, 1814; our first child was born 
on the 3rd day of July, 1834 ; we named him William Oliver. 
In October, 1834, I moved to Fayette county, Illinois, and 
settled north of Vandalia, near my sister's, and lived there some 
two years ; during that time our oldest child died. I next pur- 
chased a farm on Luck Creek, in Fayette county, Illinois, and 
lived on it until I went to Missouri to join the Mormon Church. 



CHAPTER III. 

LEE BECOMES A MORMON. 



IN 1836 my second child, Elizabeth AdaUne, was born. After 
I moved to Luck Creek I was a fortunate man and accumu- 
lated property very fast. I look back to those days with pleas- 
ure. I was blest with everything that an honest heart could 
wish. 

I had a large house and I gave permission to all sorts of peo- 
ple to come there and preach. Methodists, Baptists, Campbell- 
ites and Mormons all preached there when they desired to do so. 
In 1837 a man by the name of King, from Indiana, passed by, 
or came to my place, on his way to Missouri, to join the Mor- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 51 

mons. He had been a New Light, or Campbellite preacher. I 
invited him to stay at my place until the next Spring. I gave 
him provisions for his family, and he consented to and did stay 
with me some time. Soon after that there was a Methodist 
meeting at my house. After the Methodist services were through 
I invite'd King to speak. He talked about half an hour on the 
first principles of the gospel as taught by Christ and his apostles, 
denouncing all other doctrines as spurious. This put an end to 
all other denominations preaching in my house. That was the 
first sermon I ever heard concerning Mormonism. The Winter 
before two elders, Durphy and Peter Dustan, stayed a few days 
with Hanford Stewart, a cousin of Levi Stewart, the bishop of 
Kanab. They preached in the neighborhood, but I did not at- 
tend or hear them preach. My wife and her mother went to 
hear them, and were much pleased with their doctrine. I was 
not a member of any church, and considered the religion of the 
day as merely the opinions of men who preached for hire and 
worldly gain. I believed in God and in Christ, but I did not see 
any denomination that taught the apostolic doctrine as set forth 
in the New Testament. 

I read in the New Testament where the apostle Paul recom- 
mended his people to prove all things, then hold fast to that 
which is good ; also that he taught that though an angel from 
heaven should preach any other gospel than this which ye have 
received, let him be accursed. This forbid me believing any 
doctrine that dilffered from that taught by Christ and his apos- 
tles. I wanted to belong to the true Church or none. 

When King began to preach at my house I noticed that every 
other denomination opposed him. I was surprised at this. I 
could not see how he could injure them if they were right. I 
had been brought up as a strict Catholic. I was taught to look 
upon all sects, except the Catholic, with disfavor, and my opin- 
ion was that the Mormons and all others were apostates from 
the true Church ; that the Mormon Church was made up of the 
offscourings of hell, or of apostates from the true Church. I 
then had not the most distant idea that the Mormons believed 
in the Old and New Testaments. I was astonished to hear King 
prove his religion from the Scriptures. I reflected. I deter- 
mined, as every honest man should do, to fairly investigate his 
doctrines, and to do so with a prayerful heart. The more I 
studied the question, the more interested I became. I talked 



52 M0BM0NI8M UNVEILED. 

of the doctrine to nearly every man I met. The excitement 
soon became general, and King was invited to preach in many 
places. 

In the meantime, Levi Stewart, one of my near neighbors, be- 
came interested in this religion, and went to Far West, Missouri, 
to investigate the question of Mormonism at head-quarters. He 
joined the Church there, and when he returned he brought with 
him the "Book of Mormon" and a monthly periodical called 
the Elder's Journal. By this time my anxiety was very great, 
and I determined to fathom the question to the bottom. My 
frequent conversations with Elder King served to carry me on to 
a conviction, at least, that the dispensation of the fullness of 
time would soon usher in upon the world. If such was the 
case I wished to know it, for the salvation of my never- 
dying soul was of far more importance to me than all other 
earthly considerations. I regarded the heavenly boon of eternal 
life as a treasure of great price. I left off my frivolity and com- 
menced to lead a more moral life. I then began trying to lay 
up treasure in Heaven, in my Father's rich store-house, and 
wished to become an heir of righteousness, to inherit in common 
with the faithful children the rich legacy of our Father's King- 
dom. 

A third child had been born to us, a daughter ; we called her 
Sarah Jane. Daring that year our second child, Elizabeth 
Adaline, died of scarlet fever. The night she lay a corpse I 
finished reading the Book of Mormon. I never closed my eyes 
in sleep from the time I commenced until I finished the book. 
I read it after asking God to give me knowledge to know if it 
was genuine and of Divine authority. By careful examination I 
found that it was in strict accord with the Bible and the gospel 
therein contained. That it purported to have been given to 
another people, who then lived on this continent, as the Old and 
New Testaments had been given to the Israelites in Asia. I also 
found many passages in the Bible in support of the forthcoming 
of such a work, preparatory to the gathering of the remnant of 
the House of Israel, and the opening glory of the Latter Day 
"Work, and the setting up of the Kingdom of God upon the earth 
for the reception of the Son of Man, the millennial reign of Christ 
upon the earth a thousand years, etc. ; all of which, to me, was 
of great moment. My whole soul was absorbed in these things. 
My neighbor Stewart, who had just returned from Missouri, 



LIFE OF JOHX D. LEE. 53 

brought the most cheering and thrilling accounts of the power 
and manifestations of the Holy Spirit working with that people. 
That the spiritual gifts of the true believers in Christ, were 
enjoyed by all who lived faithfully and sought them. That there 
was no deception about it ; that every one had a testimony for 
himself, and was not dependent upon another. That they had 
the gift of tongues, and the interpretation of those tongues. 
The power of healing the sick by the laying on of hands ; 
prophesying, casting out devils and evil spirits, etc. All of which 
he- declared, with words of soberness, to be true. Stewart had 
been my playmate and my companion in former years. His 
word was considered good by all, and it had great influence on 
me, and strengthened my conviction that the Book of Mormon 
was true — that it was a star opening the dispensation of the 
fullness of time. 

I believed the Book of Mormon was true, and if so, every- 
thing but my soul's salvation was a matter of secondary consid- 
eration to me. I had a small fortune, a nice home, kind neigh- 
bors, and numerous friends, but nothing could shake the deter- 
mination I then formed, to break up, sell out, and leave Illinois 
and go to the Saints at Far West, Missouri. My friends used every 
known argument to change my determination, but these words 
came into my mind, " First seek the righteousness of the king- 
dom of God, then all things necessary will be added unto you ; " 
and again, "What would it profit a man to gain the whole 
world and lose his own soul?" or, what could a man give in ex- 
change for his soul? I was here brought to the test, and my 
action was to decide on which I placed the most value — my 
earthly possessions and enjoyments, or my reward in future, the 
salvation of my never-dying soul. I took up my cross and chose 
the latter. I sold out and moved to Far West. I took leave of 
my friends and made my way to where the Saints had gathered 
in Zion. Our journey was one full of events interesting to us, 
but not of sufficient importance to relate to the public. While 
on the journey I sold most of my cattle on time to an old man, 
a friend of Stewart's — took his notes, and let him keep them, 
which, as the sequel shows, was fortunate for me. 

We arrived at Far West, the then headquarters of the Mor- 
mon Church, about the fourth day of June, 1838. The country 
around there for some fifteen or twenty miles, each wa}'', was 
settled by Mormons. I do not think any others lived within that 



54 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

distance. The Mormons who had been driven from Jackson, 
Eay and Clay counties, in 1833, settled in Caldwell and Daviess- 
counties. 

The night after our arrival at Far West, there was a meeting 
to be held there. Stewart said to me, "Let us go up and hear 
them speak with new tongues and interpret the same, and enjoy 
the gifts of the gospel generally, for this is to be a prayer and 
testimony meeting." My reply was, " I want no signs; I be- 
lieve the gospel they preach on principle and reason, not upon 
signs — its consistency is all I ask. All I want are natural, logi- 
cal and reasonable arguments, to make up my mind from."" 
Feeling in this way, I did not go to the meeting. 

The Sunday after, I attended church in Far West Hall. The 
hall was crowded with people, so much so that I, with others, 
could not gain admittance to the building. I obtained standing 
room in one of the windows. I saw a man enter the house 
without uncovering his head. The prophet ordered the Brother 
of Gideon to put that man out, for his presumption in daring ta 
enter and stand in the house of God without uncovering his head. 
This looked to me like drawing the lines pretty snug and close ; 
however, I knew but little of the etiquette of high life, and much 
less about that of the kingdom of heaven. I looked upon Joseph 
Smith as a prophet of God — as one who held the keys of this 
last dispensation, and I hardly knew what to think about the 
rash manner in which the man was treated who had entered the 
house of God without taking his hat off. But this did not lessen 
my faith ; it served to confirm it. I was fearful that I might in 
some way unintentionally offend the great and good man who 
stood as God's prophet on the earth to point out the way of sal- 
vation. 

We remained at the house of elder Joseph Hunt, in Far West, 
several days. He was then a strong Mormon, and was after- 
wards first captain in the Mormon Battalion. He, as an elder 
in the Church, was a preacher of the gospel ; all of his family 
were firm in the faith. Elder Hunt preached to me the necessit}^ 
of humility and a strict obedience to the gospel requirements 
through the servants of God. He informed me that the apostles 
and elders were our true teachers, and it was our duty to hear^ 
learn and obey ; that the spirit of God was very fine and deli- 
cate, and was easily grieved and driven from us ; that the more 
humble we were, the more of the Holy Spirit we would enjoj^ 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 55 

After staying in Far West about a week, we moved about 
twenty miles, and settled on a stream called Marrowbone, at a 
place called afterwards Ambrosia. Sunda}^ June 17, 1838, I 
attended meeting. Samuel H. Smith, a brother of the prophet, 
and elder Daniel Cathcart preached. After meeting, I and my 
wife were baptized by elder Cathcart, in Ambrosia, on Shady 
Grove creek, in Daviess county, Missouri. I was now a mem- 
ber of the Church, and expected to live in strict obedience to 
the requirements of the holy priesthood that ruled, governed and 
controlled it. I must do this in order to advance in the scale of 
intelligence unto thrones, kingdoms, principalities and powers, 
and through faithfulness and fidelity to the cause, receive eter- 
nal increase in the mansions that would be prepared for me in 
my Father's kingdom. 

My neighbor, Stewart, and myself each selected a place on 
the same stream, and near where his three brothers, Riley, Jack- 
son and Urban, lived. Urban Stewart is now Treasurer of Beav- 
er county, Utah. On my location there was a splendid spring 
of pure, cold water ; also a small lake fed by springs. This lake 
was full of fish, such as perch, bass, pickerel, mullet and cat- 
fish. It was surrounded by a grove of heavy timber, mostly 
hickory and oak, in nearly all their varieties. We could have 
fish sufficient for use every day in the year, if we desired. 
My home on Ambrosia creek reminded me much of the one 
I had left on Luck creek, Illinois ; but it was on more rolling 
land, and much healthier than the Illinois home had proven to 
us. I knew I could soon replace, by labor, all the comfort I 
had abandoned when I started to seek my salvation. I felt that 
I had greatly benefitted my condition by seeking first the king- 
dom of Heaven and its righteousness ; all else, I felt, would be 
added unto me. But still I knew I must be frugal, industrious, 
and use much care. I improved my farm as rapidly as I could, 
and was soon so fixed that we were comfortable. Meetings were 
held three times a week ; also prayer and testimony meetings, at 
the latter sacrament, was administered. In these meetings, as 
well as in everything I was called upon to do, I tried hard to 
give satisfaction. I was a devout follower from the first. What- 
ever duty was assigned me, I tried to discharge with a will- 
ing heart and ready hand. This disposition, on my part, cou- 
pled with my views of duty, my promptness and punctuality, 
soon brought me to the notice of the leadins; men of the Church. 



56 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

The motives of the people who composed my neighborhood, 
were pure ; they were all sincere in their devotions, and tried to 
square their actions through life by the golden rule — "Do unto 
others as you would they should do unto you." The word of 
a Mormon was then good for all it was pledged to or for. I was 
proud to be an associate with such an honorable people. 

Twenty miles north-east of my home was the settlement of 
Adam-on-Diamond. It was on the east bank of Grand river, 
near the Three Forks. Lyman White, one of the twelve apos- 
tles, was president of that Stake of Zion. In July, 1838, Levi 
Stewart and myself concluded to visit the settlement of Adam- 
on-Diamond. We remained over night at the house of Judge 
Mourning. He was a Democrat. He told us that, at the ap- 
proaching election, the Whigs were going to cast their votes, at 
the outside precints, early in the day, and then rush in force to 
the town of Gallatin, the county-seat of Daviess count}^ and pre- 
vent the Mormons from voting. The Judge requested us to in- 
form our people of the facts in the case, and for us to see that 
the Mormons went to the polls in force, and prepared to resist 
and overcome all violence that might be offered. He said the 
Whigs had no right to deprive the Mormons of their right of 
suffrage, that they had a right to cast their votes as free and 
independent Americans. I knew that the two political parties 
were about equally divided in Daviess county, and that the Mor- 
mons held the balance of power, and would turn the scale which 
ever way they desired. 

I had heard of Judge Mourning as a sharp political worker, 
and I then thought he was trying to get up and carry out an 
electioneering job for his party; therefore I paid but little atten^ 
tion to what he said. 

We visited our friends at Adam-on-Diamond, and returned 
borne. AYhile on this trip I formed the acquaintance of Solomon 
McBrier, and purchased some cattle from him. He wished to 
sell me quite a number, but as I did not wish to be involved in 
debt, I refused to take them, for I had a perfect horror of 
being in debt, for I knew that when a man was in debt he was 
in nearly every respect a slave, and that if I got in debt it would 
worry me and keep my mind from that quiet repose so necessary 
for comtemplating the principal beauties of nature, and com- 
muning with the Spirit regarding holy subjects. 

On Monday, the 6th day of August, 1838, the greater portion 



LIFE OF JOIIX D. LEE. 57 

of our people in the settlements near me, went to Gallatin to 
attend the election. In justice to truth I must state, that just 
before the general election of August, 1838, a general notice was 
given for all the brethren of Daviess county to meet at Adam-on- 
Diamond. Every man obeyed the call. At that meeting all the 
males over eighteen years of age, were organized into a military 
body, according to the law of the priesthood, and called "The 
Host of Israel." The first rank was a captain with ten men 
under him ; next was a captain of fifty, that is he had five com- 
panies of ten ; next, the captain of a hundred, or of ten captains 
and companies of ten. The entire membership of the Mormon 
Church was then organized in the same way. This, as I was 
then informed, was the first organization of the military force of 
the Church. It was so organized at that time by command of 
God, as revealed through the Lord's Prophet, Joseph Smith. 
God commanded Joseph Smith to place the Host of Israel in a 
situation for defense against the enemies of God and the Church 
of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saiats. 

At the same Conference another organization was perfected, 
or then first formed — it was called the "Danites." The members 
of this order were placed under the most sacred obligations that 
language could invent. They were, sworn to stand by and sus- 
tain each other. Sustain^ protect., defend., and obey the leaders 
of the Church, under any and all circumstances unto death; and 
to disobey the orders of the leaders of the Church, or divulge 
the name of a Danite to an outsider, or to make public any of 
the secrets of the order of Danites, was to be punished with 
death. And I can say of a truth, many have paid the penalty 
for failing to keep their covenants. They had signs and tokens 
for use and protection. The token of recognition was such that 
it could be readily understood, and it served as a token of dis- 
tress b}^ which they could know each other from their enemies, 
although they were entire strangers to each other. When the 
sign was given it must be responded to and obeyed, even at the 
risk or certainty of death. The Danite that would refuse to 
respect the token, and comply with all its requirements, was 
stamped with dishonor, infamy, shame, disgrace, and his fate for 
cowardice and treachery was death. 

This sign or token of distress is made by placing the right 
hand on the right side of the face, with the points of the fingers 



58 MOIiMOmSM UNVEILED. 

upwards, shoving the hand upwards until the ear is snug up be- 
tween the thumb and fore-finger. 

I here pause, and ask ni3^self the question, ''Am I justified 
in making the above statement? I ask those who think I am 
not fully justified in telling all I know, to wait until they read 
the whole story ; how I have been ordered, how I have obeyed 
orders, and how treacherously I have been used and deserted 
by the Church and its leaders. It is my purpose and intention, 
for such is my certain duty, to free my mind, and bring to light- 
some of the secret workings, some of the deeds of darkness, that 
have been the result of the evil teachings of aspiring men, who 
have tried to couple their vile acts witlj the Gospel of Truth ; 
and endeavored, alas! too successfully, to palm it oflT on the 
credulous and weaker-minded brethren, as a religious duty they 
owed to God, to unquestioningly obey every order of the Priest- 
hood. 

To return to the election at Gallatin : — The brethren all at- 
tended the election. All things seemed to pass oflT quietly, un- 
til some of the Mormons went up to the polls to vote. I was 
then lying on the grass with McBrier and a number of others. 
As the Mormons went to the polls, a drunken brute by the name 
of Richard Weldon, stepped up to a little Mormon preacher, by 
the name of Brown, and said : 

"Are you a Mormon preacher, sir?*' 

"Yes, sir, I am." 

"Do you Mormons believe in healing the sick by laying on 
of hands, speaking in tongues, and casting out devils?" 

"We do," said Brown. 

Weldon then said, "You are ad — d liar. Joseph Smith is a 
d — d impostor." 

With this, he attacked Brown, and beat him severely. Brown 
did not resent it, but tried to reason with him; but without 
effect. At this time a Mormon, by the name of Hyrum Nelson, 
attempted to pull Weldon off of Brown, when he was struck by 
half a dozen men on the head, shoulders and face. He was soon 
forced to the ground. Just then, Riley Stewart struck Weldon 
across the back of the head with a billet of oak lumber, and 
broke his skull. Weldon fell nearly on me, and appeared life- 
less. The blood flowed freely from the wound. Immediately 
the fight became general. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 59" 

Gallatin was a new town, with about ten houses, three of 
which were saloons. The town was on the bank of Grand riv- 
er and heavy timber came near the town, which stood in a little 
arm of the prairie. Close to the polls, there was a lot of oak 
timber, which had been brought there to be riven into shakes or 
shingles, leaving the heart, taken from each shingle-block, ly- 
ing There on the ground. These hearts were three square, four 
feet lono-, weighed about seven pounds, and made a very 
dano-erous, yet handy weapon ; and when used by an enraged 
man'' they were truly a class of instrument to be dreaded. 
When Stewart fell, the Mormons sprang to the pile of oak hearts, 
and each man, taking one for use, rushed into the crowd. The 
Mormons were yeUing, "Save him!" and the settlers yelled, 
' ' Kill him ; d— n him ! ' ' The sign of distress was give n by the 
Danites, and all rushed forward, determined to save Stewart, or 
die with him. One of the mob stabbed Stewart in the shoulder. 
He rose and ran, trving to escape, but was again surrounded 
and attacked by a large number of foes. The Danite sign of 
distress was again given by John L. Butler, one of the captains 
of the Host of Israel. Butler was a brave, true man, and a lead- 
er that it was a pleasure to follow where duty called. Seeing 
the sign, I sprang to my feet and armed myself with one of the 
oak sticks. I did this because I was a Danite, and my oaths 
that I had taken required immediate action on my part, in sup- 
port of the one giving the sign. I ran into the crowd. As I 
reached it, I saw Nelson down on the ground fighting for life. 
He was surrounded by a large number, who were seeking to 
murder him, but he had a loaded whip, the lash wrapped around 
his hand, and using the handle, which was loaded with several 
pounds of lead, as a weapon of defense. He was using it with 
effect, for he had men piled around him in all shapes. As I ap- 
proached, a man sprang to his feet. He had just been knocked 
down by Nelson. As the man was rising, Nelson gave him a 
blow across the loins with the handle of his whip, which had the 
eff"ect of straitening out the villain on the grass, and rendered 
him an inoffensive spectator during the remainder of the play. 
Captain Butler was then a stranger to me, and until I saw him 
give the Danite sign of distress, I had believed him to be one of 
the Missouri ruffians, who were our enemies. In this contest i 
came near committing a serious mistake. I had raised my club 
to strike a man, when a Missourian rushed at him, and struck 



• GO MOIUIOXISM VX VEILED. 

biin with a loaded whip, and called him a d — d Mormon. The 
man then gave the slgn^ and I knew how to act. 

Capt. Butler was attacked from all sides, but, being a power- 
ful man, he used his oak club with effect and knocked a man 
down at each blow that he struck, and each man that felt the 
weight of his weapon was out of the fight for that day at least. 
Many of those that he came in contact with had to be carried 
from the field for surgical aid. In the battle, which was spir- 
ited, but short in duration, nine men had their skulls broken, 
and many others were seriously injured in other ways. The 
severe treatment of the mob by the Danites, soon ended the 
battle. Three hundred men were present at this difficulty, only 
thirty of whom were Mormons, and only eight Mormons took 
part in the fight. 

1 was an entire stranger to all who were engaged in the affray, 
except Stewart, but I had seen the sign^ and, like Sampson, 
when leaning against the pillar, I felt the power of God nerve 
my arm for the fray. It helps a man a great deal in a fight to 
know that God is on his side. After the violence had ceased, 
Captain Butler called the Morfiaons to him, and as he stood on a 
pile of building timber, he made a speech to the brethren. He 
said that his ancestors had served in the war of the Revolution 
to establish a free and independent government — one in which 
all men had equal rights and privileges ; that he professed to be 
half white and free born, and claimed a right to enjoy his con- 
stitutional privileges, and would have his rights as a citizen, if 
he had to fight for them ; that as to his religion, it was a matter 
between his God and himself, and was no man's business; that 
he would vote, and would die before he would be driven from 
the polls. Several of the Gentile leaders then requested us to 
lay down our clubs and go and vote. This Captain Butler re- 
fused, saying, "We will not molest any one who lets us alone, 
but we will not risk ourselves again in that crowd without our 
clubs." The result was, the Mormons all voted. It is surpris- 
ing what a few resolute men can do when united. After voting, 
the Mormons returned home, fearing additional violence if they 
remained. 

It may be well for purposes of explanation to refer back to 
the celebration of the Declaration of Independence on the 4th 
of July, 1838, at Far West. That day Joseph Smith made known 
to the people the substance of a revelation he had before receiv- 



LIFE OF JOHN Z>. LEE, 61 

ed from God. It was to the effect that all the Saints throughout 
the land were required to sell their possessions, gather all their 
money together, and send an agent to buy up all the land in the 
region round about Far West, and get a patent for the land from 
the Government, then deed it over to the Church ; then every 
man should come up there to the land of their promised inheri- 
tance and consecrate what they had to the Lord. In return the 
Prophet would set apart a tract of land for each Saint — the 
amount to correspond with the number of the Saint's famil}^ — 
and this land should be for each Saint an everlasting inheritance. 
In this way the people could, in time, redeem Zion (Jackson 
County) without the shedding of blood. It was also revealed 
that unless this was done, in accordance with God's demand, as 
required by Him in the Revelation then given to the people 
through his Prophet, Joseph Smith, the Saints would be driven 
from State to State, from city to city, from one abiding place to 
another, until the members would die and waste away, leaving 
but a remnant of the Saints to return and receive their inheri- 
tance in Zion (Jackson County) in the Last Days. Sidney 
Rigdon was then the mouth-piece of Joseph Smith, as Aaron was 
of Moses in olden time. Rigdon told the Saints that day that if 
they did not come up as true Saints and consecrate their prop- 
erty to the Lord, by laying it down at the feet of the apostles, 
they would in a short time be compelled to consecrate and yield 
it up to the Gentiles. That if the Saints would be united as one 
man, in this consecration of their entire wealth to the God of 
Heaven, by giving it up to the control of the Apostolic Priest- 
hood, then there would be no further danger to the Saints ; they 
would no more be driven from their homes on account of their 
faith and holy works, for the Lord had revealed to Joseph Smith 
that He would then fight the battles of His children, and save 
them from all their enemies. That the Mormon people would 
never be accepted as the children of God unless they were 
united as one man, in temporal as well as spiritual affairs, for 
Jesus had said unless ye are one, ye are not mine ; that oneness 
must exist to make the Saints the accepted children of God. 
That if the Saints would yield obedience to the commands of 
the Lord all would be well, for the Lord had confirmed these 
promises by a revelation which He had given to Joseph Smith, 
in which it was said; "I, the Lord, will fight the battles of my 
people, and if ^-our enemies shall come up against you, spare 



62 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

them, and if they shall come up against you again, then shall ye 
spare them also ; even unto the third time shall ye spare them ; 
but if they come up against you the fourth time, I, the Lord, 
will deliver them into your hands, to do with them as seemeth 
good unto you ; but if you will then spare them it shall be ac- 
-counted unto you for righteousness." 

The words of the apostle, and the promises of God, as then 
revealed to me, made a deep impression on my mind, as it did 
upon all who heard the same. We that had given up all else for 
the sake of the gospel, felt willing to do anything on earth that 
it was possible to do, to obtain the protection of God, and have 
and receive His smile of approbation. Those who, like me, had 
full faith in the teachings of God, as revealed by Joseph Smith, 
His Prophet, were willing to comply with every order, and to 
obey every wish of the priesthood. The majority of the people 
felt like Ananias and Sapphira, they dare not trust all to God 
and His Prophet. They felt that their money was as safe in their 
own possession as it was when held by the Church authorities. 
A vote of the people was then had to determine the question 
whether they would consecrate their wealth to the Church or 
not. The vote was taken and was unanimous for the consecra- 
tion. I soon found out that the people had voted as I have often 
known them to do in Mormon meetings since then, they vote- 
to please the priesthood, then act to suit themselves. I never 
thought that was right or honest ; men should vote their senti- 
ilients, but they do not at all times do so. I have been the vic- 
tim of such hyprocrites, as the sequel will show. 

The vote, as I said, was taken. It was done by a show of 
hands, but not a show of hearts. By the readiness with which 
all hands went up in favor of consecration, it was declared that 
the people were of a truth God's children, and as such, would be 
protected by him. The Prophet and all his priesthood were ju- 
bilant, and could hardly contain themselves ; they were so hap- 
py to see the people such dutiful Saints. 

Sidney Rigdon, on that day, delivered an oration, in which he 
said the Mormons were, as a people, loyal to the government, 
and obedient to the laws, and as such, they were entitled to the 
protection of the government, in common with all other denom- 
inanations, and were justified in claiming as full protection, in 
their religious matters, as the people of any other sect. That 
the Mormons had long suffered from mob rule and violence, but 



LIFE OF JOJiS D. LEE. 63 

would no longer submit to the mob or unjust treatment that 
had so long followed them. Now and forever more would they 
meet force with force. "We have been driven from Iv.rkland 
Ohio, from Jackson County, the true Zion. and now we will 
maintain our rights, defend our homes, our wives and chiklren, 
and our property from mob rule and violence. If the bauits 
are again attacked, we will carry on a war of extermination 
acainst our enemies, even to their homes and firesides; until 
we despoil those who have despoiled us, and give no quarter un- 
til our enemies are wasted away. We will unfurl to the breeze 
the flac of our nation, and under that banner of freedom we will 
maintain our rights, or die in the attempt." At the end of each 
sentence Eigdon was loudly cheered; and when he closed his 
oration, I believed the Mormons could successfully resist tlie 
world. But this feeling of confidence faded away as soon as a 
second thought entered my mind. I then feared that the days 
of liberty for our people had been numbered. First, I feared 
the people would not give up all their worldly possessions, to be 
disposed of by and at the will and pleasure of three men. In 
the second place, I doubted the people being so fully regenerated 
as to entitle them to the full and unconditional support and fav- 
or of God, that had been promised through the Eevelation to 
Joseph Smith, in favor of the Latter Day Saints. I knew that 
God was able and willing to do all He had promised but I feared 
that the people still loved worldly pleasures so well that God s 
mercy would be rejected by them, and all would be lost 

About three days after the proclamation of R.gdon had been 
made, there was a storm of rain, during which the thunder and 
lightnings were constant and terrible. The liberty pole m the 
town wL struck by lightning, and shivered to atoms This 
evidence from the God of nature also convinced me that the 
Mormon people's liberties, in that section of the country, were 
not to be of long duration. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE SAINTS AKE BESET WITH TROUBLES. 

THE Saints did not consecrate their possessions as they had 
so recently voted they would do ; they began to reflect, and 
the final determination was that they could manage their worldly 
effects better than any one of the apostles ; in fact better than 
the Prophet and the priesthood combined. Individual Saints 
entered large tracts of land in their own names, and thereb}^ se- 
cured all of the most desirable land . round about Far West. 
These landed proprietors became the worst kind of extortionists, 
and forced the poor Saints to pay them large advances for every 
acre of land that was settled, and nothing could be called free 
from the control of the money power of the rich and head-strong 
Mormons who had defied the revelations and wishes of God. 

So things went from bad to worse, until the August election 
at Gallatin. The difliculty on that day had brought the Church 
and Saints to a stand-still ; business was paralyzed ; alarm seized 
the stoutest hearts, and dismay was visible in every countenance. 
The prophet soon issued an order to gather all the people at Far 
West and Adam-on-Diamond, under the leadership of Col. Ly- 
man White, for the purpose of protecting the people from mob 
violence, and to save the property from lawless thieves who were 
roaming the country in armed bands. 

The Gentiles and Mormons hastened to the executive of the 
State. The Gentiles asked for a military force to protect the 
settlers from Mormon violence. The Mormons requested an in- 
vestigating committee to inquire into the whole subject and sug- 
gest means necessary for future safety to each party. 

Also they demanded military protection from the mobs and 
outlaws that infested the country. The Governor sent som'* 
troops to keep order. They were stationed about midway Do- 
tween Far West and Adam-on-Diamond. A committee was 
also appointed and sent to Gallatin to inquire into the recei?' 
disturbances. This committee had full power to send for wi^' 



LIFE OJ^ JOHN D. LEE. 65 

nesses, make arrests of persons accused of crime, and generally 
to do all things necessary for a full and complete investigation 
of the entire affair. Many arrests were made at the request of 
the commmittee. The persons so arrested were taken before 
Justice Black, of Daviess County, and examined ; witnesses were 
examined for both parties, and much hard and false swearing 
was done on both sides. After a long and fruitless examination 
the committee adjourned, leaving the military to look after mat- 
ters until something would turn up to change the feeling of dan- 
ger then existing. It was thought by the committee that all 
would soon become quiet and that peace would soon be re- 
stored. The Gentiles of the country were dissatisfied with the 
action of the committee, and were in no way disposed to accept 
peace on any terms ; they determined that, come what would, 
the Mormons should be driven from the State of Missouri. Let- 
ters were written by the Gentiles around Far West to all parts 
of the State, and elsewhere, giving the most fearful accounts of 
Mormon atrocities. Some of the writers said it was useless to 
send less than three or four men for each Mormon, because the 
Mormons felt sure of Heaven if they fell fighting, hence thej^ 
did not fear death ; that they fought with the desperation of 
devils. Such reports spread like wild-fire throughout Northern 
Missouri, and thence all over the States of the Mississippi Val- 
ley, and resulted in creating a feeling of the most intense hatred 
in the breasts of all the Gentiles against the Mormons. Com- 
panies of volunteers were raised and armed in every town 
through Northern Missouri, and commenced concentrating in 
the vicinity of the Mormon settlements. The troops sent by 
the Governor to guard the settlers and preserve order soon took 
part with the mob, and all show for legal protection was gone, 
so far as Mormons were concerned. I had built a cabin in the 
valley of Adara-on-Diamond, at the point where the Prophet 
said Adam blessed his posterity after being driven from the 
Garden of Eden. The condition of the country being such 
that we could not labor on our farms, I concluded to go 
and hunt for wild honey. Several of my neighbors agreed to 
join me in my bee hunt, and we started with our teams, and 
traveled northeasterly until we reached the heavy timber at the 
three forks of Grand River. We camped on the middle fork of 
Grand River, and had fine success in securing honey. We had 
been out at camp only two or three days when we dis- 
5 



66 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

covered signs of armed men rushing through the country. On 
the 3rd of October, 1838, we saw a large number of men that we 
knew were enemies to the Mormons, and on their way, as we 
supposed, to attack our people at the settlements. I concluded 
to go and meet them, and find out for certain what they were 
really intending to do. I was forced to act with caution, for, 
if they discovered that we were Mormons, our lives would be 
taken by the desperate men composing the mob who called 
themselves State volunteers. 

I took my gun and carried a bucket on my arm and started 
out to meet the people, to learn their intentions. I met them 
soon after they had broken camp on Sunday morning. As soon 
as I saw them I was certain they were out hunting for Mormons. 
I concluded to pass myself off as an outsider, the better to 
learn their history. My plan worked admirably. I stood my 
ground until a company of eighteen men rode up to me, and 
said: 

"You move earty." 

" Not so d — d early, gentlemen ; I am not moving any sooner 
than you are. What are you all doing in this part of the coun- 
try, armed to the teeth as you are? Are you hunting for In- 
dians?" 

" No," said they, " but we wish to know where you are from, 
and what you are doing." 

"I am from Illinois ; there are four of us who have come out 
here to look up a good location to settle. We stopped on Mar- 
rowbone, and did think of staying there, until the settlers 
and Mormons got into a row at Gallatin, on election day. 
After that we concluded to strike out and see what this country 
looked like. I am now going to cut a bee tree that I found 
yesterday evening, and I brought my gun along so that if I met 
an old buck I could secure some venison, to eat with my honey- 
comb." 

As I got through my statement, they all huddled around me, 
and commenced to relate the horrors of Mormonism. They 
advised me to have nothing to do with the Mormons, for said 
they, "As old Joe Smith votes, so will every Mormon in the 
country vote, and when they get into a fight, they are just the 
same way, they stick together; when you attack one of the 
crew you bring every one of them after you like a nest of 
hornets." 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 67 

I said I had heard a little of the fuss at Gallatin, but did not 
suppose I had got the right of the story, and would be glad if 
they would tell me just how it was. I should like to learn the 
facts from an eye witness. Several of the men spoke up and 
said they were there and saw it all. They then told the story, 
and did the Mormons more justice than I expected from them. 

They said, among other things, that there was a large raw- 
boned man there, who spoke in tongues, and that when the fight 
commenced he said, " Charge Danites," and if ever you saw 
men pitch in like devils, they did it there. Our men fell thick 
as hail wherever those Danites charged with their clubs. 

They then said the Mormons must leave the country, and if 
we do not make them do so now, they will be so strong that we 
cannot compel them to go, unless we force them away; they will 
be so strong in a few years that they will rule the country as 
they please. That another band of men would come along 
soon, and they would then go through the Mormon settlements, 
and burn up every house, and lynch every d — d Mormon they 
could find. That the militia had been sent to keep order in 
Daviess County, but would soon be gone, and the work of destroy- 
ing the Mormons in general would begin. I said, ''Give them 
h — 1, and if they have done as you say they have, pay them in 
their own coin." 

The company then passed on, and I returned with a heavy 
heart to my friends. I advised taking an immediate start for 
home, and in a few minutes we were on our way. While com- 
ing up from home we had found four bee trees, that we left 
standing, intending to cut them down and get the honey as we 
went back. When we got on the prairie, which was about eight 
miles across, the men with me wanted to go and get the honey. 
I was fearful that the people I had met in the morning would 
attack the settlements, and I wanted to go directly home and let 
trees and honey alone. 

While we were talking the matter over, a single black bird 
came to us apparently in great distress. It flew around each one 
of us, and would alight on the head of each one of our horses, and 
especially on my horses' heads, and it even came and alighted 
on my hat, and would squeak like it was in pain, and turn its 
feathers up, and acted like it wished to warn us of danger. 
Then it flew ofl" towards the settlements where I wished to go. 
All admitted that they were strange actions for a bird, but 



C8 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

they still insisted on going to cut the bee trees. I was per- 
suaded to go with them. We had gone a quarter of a mile fur-* 
ther, when the black bird returned to us and went through th& 
same performances as before, and again flew off toward the set- 
tlement. This was to me a warning to go home at once, that 
there was danger there to my family. I then proposed that we 
all join in prayer. We did so, and I prayed to the Author of 
our existence, and asked that if it was his will for us to go home 
at once, and if the black bird had been sent as a warning mes- 
senger, to let it return again, and I would follow it. We then 
traveled on some two miles, when the messenger returned the 
third time and appeared, if possible, more determined than be- 
fore to turn us towards home. I turned my team and started,, 
as straight as I could go, for Adam-on-Diamond. As we passed 
over the prairie we saw the smoke rising from many farms and 
houses in the vicinity of where we had left our bee trees. Thi» 
smoke showed us that our enemies were at work, and that had 
we kept on in the course we were first intending to travel we 
would have fallen into the hands of the lawless mob and lost 
our lives. Before we reached home the news of the attack upon 
the settlements had reached there. It was also reported, and 
we afterwards learned that the report was true, that many of 
the Mormon settlers had been tied to trees and fearfully whip- 
ped with hickory withes, some of them being horribly mangled 
by the mob. This conduct on the part of the Gentiles roused 
every Mormon to action, and the excitement was very great. 
Joseph Smith, the Prophet, was sent for. In the meantime Col. 
White called together every man and bo}^ that could carry arms. 
When the forces were assembled Col. White made a war speech* 
As he spoke he stood by his fine brown horse. There was a bear 
skin on his saddle. He had a red handkerchief around his head, 
regular Indian fashion, with the knot in front ; bare headed, in 
his shirt sleeves, with collar open, showing his naked breast. 
He held a large cutlass in his right hand. His manner of address 
struck terror to his enemies, while it charged his brethren with 
enthusiastic zeal and forced them to believe the}^ were invinci- 
ble and bullet proof. We were about three hundred and sev- 
ent3^-five strong. I stood near Col. White while he was speak- 
ing, and I judge of its effect upon others by the way it affected 
me. 

While our Colonel was in the midst of his speech the aid-de- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 69 

-camp of the militia Colonel was sent with a dispatch to Col. 
White, to the efTect that the militia had become mutinous and 
<;ould no longer be controlled, but were going to join the mob ; 
that the Colonel would disband his forces, and he would then go 
and report to the Governor the true condition of the country ; 
that Col. White must take and make use of all the means in his 
power to protect the people from the mob, for the government 
officers were powerless to aid him. The aid did not deliver his 
message, for as he rode up close to where Col. White was stand- 
ing speaking to his men, he stopped and listened a short time ; 
then wheeled his horse and rode back to the militia camp and 
reported that Col. White had 15,000 men under arms, in battle 
array, and would be upon their camp in less than two hours ; 
that he was then making a speech to the army, and that it was 
the most exciting speech he had ever listened to in his life ; that 
he meant war and that of the most fearful kind ; and that the 
only safety for their forces was in instant retreat. The soldiers 
broke camp and left in haste. I cannot say that the Colonel 
commanding the militia was alarmed, or that he fled through 
fear of being overcome, but it suited him to leave there, for he 
was anxious to prevent a collision between his troops and the 
men under Col. White. 

The Prophet, Joseph Smith, when informed of the danger of 
the settlers from mob violence, sent Maj. Seymour Brunson, of 
Par West, with fifty men, to protect the settlers who lived on the 
two forks of the Grand Eiver. Col. White kept his men in 
readiness for action. A strong guard was posted round the 
settlement ; a point was agreed upon, to which place all were to 
hasten in case of alarm. This point of meeting was east of the 
town, under the bluffs, on the main road leading from Mill Port 
to Adam-on-Diamond. This road ran between the fields and 
bluff*. 

We expected to be attacked every hour. A few nights after- 
wards the alarm was given, and every man rushed to the field. 
When I reached the command, I found everything in confusion. 
The officer in command tried to throw two companies across the 
road, but the firing was heavy and constant from the opposing 
forces, who had selected a strong point for the purpose of attack 
and defence. The flash of tlic rifles, and the ringing reports that 
echoed through the hills at each discharge of the guns, added to 
the confusion, and soon forced the Mormons to take up their 



70 MOBMONISM UNVEILED, 

position in the fence corners and elsewhere, so they could be in 
a measure protected from the bullets of the enemy. Soon there 
was order in our ranks, and we were prepared to dislodge our 
opponents or die in the attempt, when two men came at the 
full speed of their horses, shouting, "Peace, peace, cease firing,, 
it is our friends," etc. Chapman Duncan, the Adjutant of Col. 
White, was the one who shouted peace, etc. We were then in- 
formed that the men we had taken for a part of the Gentile mob 
were no other than the command of Maj. Brunson, who had been 
out on the Three Forks of Grand River, to defend the settlers, 
and that he had been ordered back to the main body, or any of 
the Hosts of Israel ; that they had intended to stop at Mill Port, 
but finding it deserted, they concluded to alarm the troops at 
Adam-on-Diamond, so as to learn whether they would fight or 
not. I admit that I was much pleased to learn that danger was 
over, and that we were facing friends and not enemies ; y^t I 
was mad to think any men would impose upon us in that way. 
The experiment was a dangerous one, and likely to be very 
serious in its consequences. The other men with me were- 
equally mad at the insult offered by those who had been so> 
foolish as to question our bravery. 

By the efforts of our oflflcers all was soon explained, and amid 
peals of laughter we returned to our homes. 

The withdrawal of the State militia was the signal for the- 
Gentiles and Mormons to give vent to the worst of their inclina- 
tions. The Mormons, at command of the Prophet, at once aban- 
doned their homes, taking what could be carried with them, and 
hastened to either Far West or Adam-on-Diamond for protec-- 
tion and safety. Some few refused to obey orders, and they 
afterwards paid the penalty for disobedience by giving up their 
lives to the savage Gentiles wh o attacked and well nigh exter- 
minated them. Armed men roamed in bands all over Caldwell, 
Carroll, and Daviess Counties ; both Mormons and Gentiles were 
under arms, and doing injury to each other when occasion offer- 
ed. The burning of houses, farms, and stacks of grain was 
generally indulged in by each party. Lawlessness prevailed, 
and pillage was the rule. 

The Prophet, Joseph Smith, said it was a civil war ; that by 
the rules of war each party was justified in spoiling his enemy. 
This opened the door to the evil disposed, and men of former 
quiet became perfect demons in their efforts to spoil and waste 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 71 

away the enemies of the Church. I then found that men are 
creatures of circumstances, and that the occasion calls forth the 
men needed for each enterprise. I also soon saw that it was the 
natural inclination of men to steal, and convert to their own use 
that which others possessed. What perplexed me most was to 
see that religion had not the power to subdue that passion in 
man, but that at the first moment when the restrictions of the 
Church were withdrawn, the most devout men in our community 
acted like they had served a lifetime in evil, and were natural- 
born thieves. 

But the men who stole then were not really honest, for I 
spotted every man that I knew to steal during the troubles in 
Missouri and Illinois, and I have found that they were never 
really converted, were never true Saints, but they used their 
pretence of religion as a cloak to cover their evil deeds. I have 
watched their rise and fall in the Church, and I know from their 
fate that honesty is the only true policy. 

Being young, stout, and having plenty of property, I fitted 
myself out in first-class style. I had good horses and plenty of 
the best of arms. I joined in the general patrol duty, and took 
part in daily raids made under either Major Brunson or Capt. 
Alexander McRay, now Bishop of a Ward in Salt Lake City. 
I saw much of what was being done by both parties. 

I also made several raids under Captain Jonathan Dunham, 
alias Black Hawk. I remember one incident that was amusing 
at the time, as it enabled us to determine what part of our 
forces would fight on the field and face the enemy, and also 
those who preferred to fight with their mouths. 

Early in the morning, while Maj. Branson's men were march- 
ing along, shivering in the cold — for it was a dark, cloudy 
morning, late in October, 1838 — we saw a company of 
horsemen some three miles away. We concluded they were 
Missourians, and made for them at full speed. They halted and 
appeared willing to fight us when our command got within 
three hundred yards of them. Many of ouv pulpit braves found 
out all at once that they must stop and dismount, to fix their sad- 
dles or for some other reason. The remainder of us rode on until 
within one hundred and fifty yards of the other force, and were 
drawn up in line of battle. Maj. Brunson rode forward and 
hailed them, saying, 

" Who are you ?" 

*' Capt. McKay," was the reply. " Who are you ?" 



72 MOBMOXISM UNVEILED. 

" Maj. Brunson.'* 

They met and shook hands. Seeing this the pulpit braves 
rushed up in great haste and took their places in the ranks, and 
lamented because we did not have an enemy to overcome. 

So it is through life — a coward is generally a liar ; those men 
were cowards, and lied when they pretended they would like to 
fight. All cowards are liars, but many liars are brave men. 

While I was engaged with the Mormon troops in ranging 
over the countr}^, the men that I was with took a large amount of 
loose property, but did not while I was with them burn any 
houses or murder any men. Yet we took what property we 
could find, especially provisions, fat cattle and arms and ammu- 
nition. But still many houses were burned and much damage 
was done by the Mormons, and they captured a howitzer and 
many guns from the Gentiles. Frequent attacks were made 
upon the Mormon settlements. The Mormons made an attack 
on Gallatin one night, and carried off much plunder. I was not 
there with them, but I talked often with them and learned all 
the facts about it. The town was burnt down, and ever}- thing 
of value, including the goods in two stores, was carried off by 
the Mormons. I often escaped being present with the troops 
on their thieving expeditions, by loaning m}^ horses and arms to 
others who liked that kind of work better than I did. Unless I 
had adopted that course I could never have escaped from being 
present with the Hosts of Israel in all their lawless acts, for I 
was one of the regular Host, and I could not escape going when 
ordered, unless I furnished a substitute, which sometimes was 
accepted, but not always. A company went from Adam-on-Dia- 
mond and burned the house and buildings belonging to my 
friend McBrier. Every article of moveable property was taken 
by the troops; he was utterly ruined. This man had been a 
friend to me and many others of the brethren ; he was an hon- 
orable man, but his good character and former acts of kindness 
had no effect on those who were working, as they pretended, to 
build up the Kingdom of God. The Mormons brought in every 
article that could be used, and much that was of no use or value 
was hauled to Adam-on-Diamond. Men stole simply for the 
love of stealing. Such inexcusable acts of lawlessness had the 
effect to arouse every Gentile in the three Counties of Caldwell, 
Carroll and Daviess, as well as to bring swarms of armed Gen- 
tiles from other localities. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 73 

Lyman White, with three hundred men, was called to defend 
Far West. I went with his command. The night White 
reached Far West, the battle of Croolved River was fought. 
Captain David Patton, alias Fear Not, one of the twelve apos- 
tles, was sent out b}^ the prophet with fifty men, to attack a 
body of Missourians, who were camping on the Crooked River. 
Captain Patton's men were nearly all, if not every one of them, 
Danites. The attack was made just before daylight in the 
morning. Captain Fear Not wore a white blanket overcoat, and 
led the attacking party. He was a brave, impulsive man. He 
rushed into the thickest of the fight, regardless of danger — reall}^ 
seeking it to show his men that God would shield him from all 
harm. But he counted, without just reason, upon being invinci- 
ble, for a ball soon entered his body, passing through his hips, 
and cutting his bladder. The wound was fatal ; but he kept on 
his feet, and led his men some time before yielding to the effects 
of the wound. The Gentiles said afterwards that Captain Pat- 
ton told his men to charge in the name of Lazarus, " Charo-e, 
Danites, charge! " and that as soon as he uttered the command, 
which distinguished him, they gave the Danite Captain a com- 
mission with powder and ball, and sent him on a mission to 
preach to the spirits that were in prison. In this battle several 
men were killed and wounded on both sides. I do not remem- 
ber all of the names of the Danites that were killed, but I do re- 
member that a man by the name of Banion was killed, and one by 
the name of Jas. Holbrook was wounded. I knew a man by the 
name of Tarwater, on the Gentile side, that was cut up fearfully. 
He was taken prisoner. Ihe Danites routed the Gentiles, who 
fled in every direction. The night being dark, Jas. Holbrook 
and another Danite met, and had a hand-to-hand fight, in which 
they cut each other fearfully with their swords before they dis- 
covered that they were friends. After the Gentiles retreated, 
the Mormons started for Far West, taking Tarwater along as 
a prisoner. After traveling several miles, they halted in a grove 
of timber, and released Tarwater, telling him he was free to go 
home. He started off, and when he was some forty yards from 
the Mormons, Parley P. Pratt, then one of the Twelve Apostles, 
stepped up to a tree, laid his gun up by the side of the tree, 
tooii deliberate aim, and shot Tarwater. He fell and lay still. 
The Mormons, believing he was dead, went on and left him ly- 
ing where he fell. Tarwater came to, and reached home, where 



74 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

he was taken care of, and soon recovered from his wounds. He 
afterwards testified in court against the Mormons that he knew^ 
and upon his evidence Parley P. Pratt was imprisoned in the 
Richmond jail, in 1839. 

I must remind the reader that I am writing in prison, and am 
not allowed to have a book of reference, and as most of my 
private writings and journals have been heretofore delivered to 
the agents of Brigham Young, and all have been destroyed, or 
at least kept from me, I am forced to rely on my memory for 
names and dates, and if I make mistakes in either, this must be 
my excuse. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE MORMON WAR IN MISSOURI. 

AFTER 1844, it was my habit to keep a journal, in which I 
wrote at length all that I considered worthy of remember- 
ing:. Most of my journals, written up to 1860, were called for 
by Brigham Young, under the plea that he wished the Church 
historian to write up the Church history, and wished my jour- 
nal to aid him in making the history perfect. As these jour- 
nals contained many things not intended for the public eye, and 
especially very much concerning the crimes of Mormon leaders 
in Southern Utah and elsewhere, and all I knew of the Moun- 
tain Meadows Massacre, and what led to it, they were never 
returned to me. I suppose they were put out of the way, per- 
haps burned, for these journals gave an account of mau}^ dark 
deeds. 

I was at Far West when the Danites returned. They brought 
Captain Patton with them. He died that night, and his death, 
spread a mantle of gloom over the entire community. It robbed 
many of their fond hope that they were invincible. If Fear 
Not could be killed, who could claim immunity from the missiles 
of death, hurled by Gentile weapons? 

I admit up to this time I firmly beUeved what the Prophet and 
his apostles had said on that subject. I had considered that I 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 75 

was bullet proofs that no Gentile ball could ever harm me, or any 
Saint, and I had believed that a Danite could not be killed by 
Gentile hands. I thought that one Danite could chase a thou- 
sand Gentiles, and two could put ten thousand to flight. Alas ! 
my dream of security was over. One of our mighty men had 
fallen, and that by Gentile hands. My amazement at the fact 
was equal to my sorrow for the death of the great warrior apos- 
tle. I had considered that all the battles between Danites and 
Gentiles would end like the election fight at Gallatin, and that 
the only ones to be injured would be the Gentiles. We had 
been promised and taught by the Prophet and his priesthood that 
henceforth God would fight our battles, and I looked as a con- 
sequence for a bloodless victory on the side of the Lord, and 
that nothing but disobedience to the teachings of the priesthood 
could render a Mormon subject to injury from Gentile forces. 
I believed as our leaders taught us, that all our suff^erings and 
persecutions, were brought upon us by the all-wise God of 
Heaven, as chastisement to bring us together in unity of faith 
and strict obedience to the requirements of the Gospel ; and the 
feeling was general, that all our sufferings were the result of in- 
dividual sin, and not the fault of our leaders and spiritual 
guides. We, as members of the Church, had no right to ques- 
tion any act of our superiors ; to do so wounded the Spirit of 
God, and lead to our own loss and confusion. 

I was thunderstruck to hear Joseph Smith, the apostle, say at 
the funeral of Capt. Patton that the Mormons fell by the missiles 
of death the same as other men. He also said that the Lord was 
angry with the people, for they had been unbelieving and faith- 
less ; they had denied the Lord the use of their earthly treas- 
ures, and placed their aflTections upon worldly things more than 
the}^ had upon heavenl}^ things ; that to expect God's favor we 
must blindly trust him ; that if the Mormons would wholly trust 
in God the windows of heaven would be opened and a shower of 
blessings sent upon the people ; that all the people could contain 
of blessings would be given as a reward for obedience to the will 
of God as made known to mankind through the Prophet of the 
ever-living God ; that the Mormons, if faithful, obedient and 
true followers of the advice of their leaders, would soon enjoy 
all the wealth of the earth ; that God would consecrate the riches 
of the Gentiles to the Saints. This and much more he said to 
induce the people to obey the will of the priesthood. I believed 



76 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

all he said, for he supported it by quotations from Scripture, and 
if I believed the Bible, as I did most implicitly, I could not help 
believing in Joseph Smith, the Prophet of God in these last days. 
Joseph Smith declared that he was called of God and given 
power and authority from heaven to do God's will ; that he had 
received the keys of the holy priesthood from the apostles Peter, 
James and John, and had been dedicated, set apart and anointed 
as the prophet, seer and revelator ; sent to open the dispensation 
of the fullness of time, according to the words of the apostles ; 
that he was charged with the restoration of the house of Israel, 
and to gather the Saints from the four corners of the earth to the 
land of promise, Zion, the Holy Land (Jackson County), and set- 
ting up the kingdom of God preparatory to the second coming 
of Christ in the last days. 

Every Mormon, if true to his faith, believed as fully in Joseph 
Smith and his holy character as they did that God existed. 

Joseph Smith was a most extraordinary man ; he was rather 
large in stature, some six feet two inches in height, well built, 
though a little stoop-shouldered, prominent and well-developed 
features, a Roman nose, light chestnut hair, upper lip full and 
rather protruding, chin broad and square, an eagle eye, and on 
the whole there was something in his manner and appearance 
that was bewitching and winning ; his countenance was that of 
a plain, honest man, full of benevolence and philanthropy and 
void of deceit or hypocrisy. He was resolute and firm of pur- 
pose, strong as most men in physical power, and all who saw 
were forced to admire him, as he then looked and existed. 

In the sports of the day, such as wrestling, etc., he was over 
an average. Very few of the Saints had the strength needed to 
throw the Prophet in a fair tussel ; in every gathering he was a 
welcome guest, and always added to the amusement of the peo- 
ple, instead of dampening their ardor. During the time that 
we were camping at Adam-on-Diamond, waiting to see what 
would be the result of the quarrel between our Church and the 
Gentiles, one Sunday morning (it had rained heavily the night 
before and the air was cold) the men were shivering over a few 
fire-brands, feeling out of sorts and quite cast down. The 
Prophet came up while the brethren were moping around, and 
caught first one and then another and shook them up, and said, 
*'Get out of here, and wrestle, jump, run, do anything but 
mope around ; warm yourselves up ; this inactivity will not do 




JOSEPH SMITH. 
(The Founder and first Prophet of the Mormon Church.) 



LIFE OF JOHX B. LEE. 77 

for soldiers." The words of the Prophet put life and energy 
into the men. A ring was soon formed, according to the cus- 
tom of the people. The Prophet stepped into the ring, ready 
for a tussel with any comer. Several went into the ring to try 
their strength, but each one was thrown by the Prophet, until 
he had thrown several of the stoutest of the men present. 
Then he stepped out of the ring and took a man by the arm 
and led him in to take his place, and so it continued — the men 
who were thrown retiring in favor of the successful one. A 
man would keep the ring so long as he threw his adversary. 
The style of wrestling varied with the desires of the parties. 
The Eastern men, or Yankees, used square hold, or collar and 
elbow ; those from the Middle States side hold, and the South- 
ern and Western men used breeches hold and old Indian hug or 
back hold. If a man was hurt he stood it without a murmur ; 
it was considered cowardly and childish to whine when thrown 
down or hurt in the fall. 

While the sport was at its height Sidney Eigdon, the mouth- 
piece of the Prophet, rushed into the ring, sword in hand, and 
said that he would not suflfer a lot of men to break the Sabbath 
day in that manner. For a moment all were silent, then one of 
the brethren, with more presence of mind than the others, 
said to the Prophet, " Brother Joseph, we want you to clear us 
from blame, for we formed the ring by your request. You told 
us to wrestle, and now Brother Rigdon is bringing us to account 
for it." 

The Prophet walked into the ring and said, as he made a 
motion with his hand: " Brother Sidney, you had better go out 
of here and let the boys alone ; they are amusing themselves ac- 
cording to my orders. You are an old man. You go and get 
ready for meeting and let the boys alone." Just then catching 
Rigdon off his guard, as quick as a flash he knocked the 
sword fromRigdon's hand, then caught him by the shoulder, and 
said: ''Now, old man, you must go out, or I will throw you 
down." Rigdon was as large a man as the Prophet, but not so 
tall. The prospect of a tussel between the Prophet and the 
mouthpiece of the Prophet, was fun for all but Rigdon, who 
pulled back like a craw-fish, but the resistance was useless, the 
Prophet dragged him from the ring, bareheaded, and tore 
Rigdon's fine pulpit coat from the collar to the waist; then he 
turned to the men and said: " Go in, boys, and have your fun. 



78 M0BM0NI8M UNVEILED, 

You shall never have it to say that I got you into any trouble 
that I did not get you out of." 

Rigdon complained about the loss of his hat and the tearing 
of his coat. The Prophet said to him : " You were out of your 
place. Always keep your place and you will not suffer; but 
you got a little out of your place and you have suffered for it. 
You have no one to blame but yourself." After that Rigdon 
never countermanded the orders of the Prophet, to my knowl- 
edge — he knew who was boss. 

An order had been issued by the Church authorities com- 
manding all of the members of the Mormon Church to leave 
their farms, and to take such property as they could remove, 
and go to one of the two fortified camps — that is Far West or 
Adam-on-Diamond. A large majority of the settlers obeyed, 
and the two camps were soon full of people who had deserted 
home again for the sake of the gospel. 

There was a settlement on Log Creek, between three and five 
miles east from Far West. It was quite a rich settlement. A 
man named Haughn had just completed a good flouring 
mill on the creek. The morning after the battle of Crooked 
River, Haughn came to Far West to consult with the Prophet 
concerning the policy of the removal of the settlers on Log Creek 
to the fortified camps. Col. White and myself were standing by 
when the Prophet said to him: "Move in, by all means, if j-ou 
wish to save youx lives." Haughn repUed that if tlie settlers 
left their homes all of their property would be lost, and the 
Oentiles would burn their houses and other buildings. Tlie 
Prophet said : " You had much better lose your property than 
your lives, one can be replaced, the other cannot be restored ; 
but there is no need of your losing either if you will only do as 
you are commanded." Haughn said that he considered the 
best plan was for all of the settlers to move into and around the 
mill, and use the blacksmith's shop and other buildings as a fort 
in case of attack ; in this way he thought they would be perfect- 
ly safe* " You are at liberty to do so if you think best," said 
the Prophet. Haughn then departed, well satisfied that he had 
carried his point. 

The Prophet turned to Col. White and said: "That man did 
not come for counsel, but to induce me to tell him to do as he 
pleased ; which I did. Had I commanded them to move in here 
and leave their property, they would have called me a tyrant. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 79 

I wish they were here for their own safety. I am confident that 
wc will soon learn that they have been butchered in a fearful 
manner." 

At this time the Missourians had determined to exterminate 
the whole of the Mormon people. Governor Lilburn W. Boggs 
issued orders to that effect. I think General Clark was the officer 
in command of all the Gentile forces. Gen. Atchison and Gen. 
Doniphan each commanded a division of from three to eight 
thousand men, and they soon besieged Far West. The Mor- 
mons fortified the town as well as they could, and took special 
oare to fortify and build shields and breastworks, to prevent the 
cavalry from charging into the town. The Gentile forces were 
mostly camped on Log Creek, between the town of Far West and 
Haughn's Mill, and about a mile from Far West, and about half 
a mile south of our outer breastworks. Our scouts and picket 
guards were driven in, and forced to join the main ranks for 
safety. The Mormon troops were placed in pooilion by the ofli- 
cers, so as to guard every point. Each man had a large supply 
of bullets, with the patching sewed on the balls to facilitate the 
loading of our guns, which were all muzzle loaders. The Mor- 
mon force was about eight hundred strong, poorly armed ; many 
of the men had no guns ; some had single-barrel pistols, and a 
few had home-made swords. These were all of our implements 
of war. So situated, we were still anxious to meet the enemy, 
and demanded to be led out against our foes. Our men were 
confident that God was going to deliver the enemy into our 
hands, and so we had no fears. I was one of the advance force, 
and as I lay behind some timber, with my cap-box open, and bul- 
lets lying on the ground by my side, I never had a doubt of 
beinaj able to defeat the Gentile army. The troops lay and 
watched each other two days, then the Gentiles made two efforts 
to force their way into the town by stratagem ; but seeing our 
forces in order, they did not come within range of our guns. 
The Mormons stood in the ranks, and prayed for the chance of 
getting a shot ; but all to no effect. The same evening we learned 
of the massacre at Haughn's Mill. The description of this mas- 
sacre was such as to freeze the blood of each ISaint, and force 
them to swear revenge should come some day. 

haughn's mill 3IASSACKE 

was reported about as follows to us at Far West. When the 



80 2I0IiJI0XISJI UNVEILED. 

Gentile mob attacked the Mormons at the mill the Mor- 
mons took shelter in the blacksmith shop and other buildings. 
The mob took advantage of the banks of the creek and the tim- 
ber, and very nearly surrounded the shop, vrhich was built of 
logs, and served as a slaughter-house instead of a shelter or 
protection. The mob, while protected as they were, shot down 
the Mormons at their leisure. They killed eighteen and wound- 
ed as many more ; in fact they killed and wounded every one 
who did not run away during the fight and take refuge in the 
woods. After shooting down all that could be seen, the mob en- 
tered the blacksmith shop and there found a young lad who 
had secreted himself under the bellows. One of the men said, 
" Don't shoot; it is but a small boy." The reply was, " Nits will 
make lice ; it is best to save them when we can." Thus saying, 
they shot the little fellow where he lay. There was an old man 
in the settlement by the name of McBride, who had been a sol- 
dier in the Revolutionary war ; he was killed by being hacked 
to pieces with a corn-cutter while begging for his life. The dead 
and wounded were thrown into a well all together. Several 
of the wounded were afterwards taken out of the well by the 
force that went from Far West, and recovered from their 
wounds. So great was the hatred of the mob that they saved 
none, but killed all who fell into their hands at that time. I 
received my information of the massacre from David Lewis, 
Tarleton Lewis, William Laney and Isaac Laney ; they were 
Kentuckians, and were also in the fight, but escaped death. 
Isaac Laney was shot seven times, leaving thirteen ball holes in 
his person ; five of the shots were nearly in the centre of the 
chest; one entered under the right arm, passed through the 
body and came out under the left arm ; yet, strange as it ap- 
pears, he kept his feet, so he informed me, and ran some three 
hundred yards to a cabin, where a woman raised a loose plank 
of the cabin floor, and he laj^ down and she replaced the boards. 
The mob left, and in about two hours Laney was taken from 
under the cabin floor nearly lifeless. He was then washed, 
anointed with oil, the elders praying for his recovery, according 
to the order of the Holy Priesthood, and he was promised, 
through prayer and faith in God, speedy restoration. The pain 
at once left him, and for two weeks he felt no pain at all. He 
then took cold, and the wound in his hips pained him for some 
two hours, when the elders repeated their pra3^ers and again 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 81 

anointed him, which had the effect desired. The pain left him, 
and never returned. I heard Laney declare this to be a fact, 
and he bore his testimony in the presence of many of the Saints. 
I eaw him four weeks after the massacre and examined his per- 
son. I saw the wounds, then healed. I felt of them with my 
own hands, and I saw the shirt and examined it, that he had 
on when he was shot, and it was cut in shreds. Many balls had 
cut his clothing, that had not touched his person. 

The massacre at Haughn's Mill was the result of the breth- 
ren's refusal to obey the wishes of the Prophet. All the breth- 
ren so considered it. It made a deep and lasting impression on 
my mind, for I had heard the Prophet give the counsel to the 
brethren to come into the town. They had refused, and the re- 
sult was a lesson to all that there was no safety except in obey- 
ing the Prophet. 

Col. George M. Hinkle had command of the troops at Far 
West, under Joseph Smith. He was from Kentucky, and was 
considered a fair weather Saint. When danger came he was 
certain to be on the strong side. He was a fine speaker, and 
had great influence with the Saints. 

Previous to the attack on Far West, Col. Hinkle had come to an 
understanding with the Gentile commanders that in case che 
danger grew great, they could depend on him as a friend and 
one through whom they could negotiate and learn the situa- 
tion of affairs in the camp of the Saints. When our scouts 
were first driven in Col. Hinkle was out with them, and when 
they were closely pursued he turned his coat wrong side oiit and 
wore it so. This was a pecuHar move, but at the time it did not 
cause much comment among his men, but they reported it 
to the Prophet, and he at once became suspicious of the Colonel. 
The Prophet, being a man of thought and cool reflection, kept 
this information within a small circle, as that was a bad time 
to ventilate an act of that kind. The Prophet concluded to 
make use of the knowledge he had gained of Hinkle' s charac- 
ter, and use him to negotiate between the two parties. I do not 
believe that Joseph Smith had the least idea that he, with his 
little handful of men, could stand off that army that had come up 
against him. I know that now, but at that time I was full of 
religious zeal and felt that the Mormon Hosts of Israel were 
invincible. Joseph wished to use Hinkle to learn the destiny of 
the Gentiles, so that he could prepare for the worst. Col. 
6 



82 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

Hinkle was sent out by Joseph to have an interview with the 
Gentiles. 

The Colonel returned and reported to Joseph Smith the terms 
proposed by the Gentile officers. The terms offered were as 
follows : Joseph Smith and the leading men of the Church, Rig- 
don, Lyman White, P. P. Pratt, Phelps and others, were to 
give themselves up without delay, the balance of the men to 
surrender themselves and their arms by ten o'clock the following 
day, the understanding being that all would be tried for 
treason against the Government, and for other offences. The 
Prophet took advantage of this information, and had every man 
that was in imminent danger, leave the camp for a place of safety. 
The most of those in danger went to Illinois. They left at 
once, and were safe from all pursuit before the surrender took 
place, as they traveled north and avoided all settlements. 
When the brethren had left for Illinois, as just stated, Joseph 
Smith called all of his remaining troops together, and told them 
they were a good lot of fellows, but they were not perfect 
enough to withstand so large an army as the one now before 
them, that they had stood by him, and were willing to die for 
and with him, for the sake of the Kingdom of Heaven, that he 
wished them to be comforted, for God had accepted their offer- 
ing, that he intended to, and was going to offer himself up as 
a sacrifice, to save their lives and to save the Church. He 
wished them all to be of good cheer, and pray for him, and to 
pray that he and the brethren that went with him might be de- 
livered from their enemies. He then blessed his people in the 
name of the Lord. After this, he and the leading men, six in num- 
ber went with him direct to the camp of the enemy. They were 
led b}^ a Judas, Col. G. M. Hinkle. I stood upon the breast- 
works and watched them go into the camp of the enemy. I 
heard the yells of triumph of the troops, as Joseph Smith and 
his companions entered. It was with great difficulty that the 
officers could restrain the mob from shooting them down as they 
entered. A strong guard was then placed over them to protect 
them from mob violence. 

The next morning a court martial was held, at which Joseph 
Smith and his six companions that had surrendered with him, 
were sentenced to be shot. The execution was to take place at 
eight o'clock the next morning. When the sentence of the 
court martial was announced to them, Col. Lyman White said, 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 83 

"Shoot and bed — d." General Atchison and Col. Doniphan 
arrived with their divisions the same day, soon after tlie 
€0urt martial had been held. Col. Doniphan, in particular, 
remonstrated against the decision. He said it was nothing 
more or less than cold blooded murder, and that every name 
signed to the decision was signed in blood, and he would with- 
draw his troops and have nothing to do in the matter, if the 
men were to be shot. General Atchison sustained Col. Doni- 
phan, and said the wiser policy would be, in as much as they 
had surrendered themselves as prisoners, to place them in the 
Kichmond jail, and let them take the due course of the law; let 
them be tried by the civil authorities of the land. In this way 
Justice could be reached and parties could be punished accord- 
ing to law, and thus save the honor of the troops and the nation. 
This timely interposition and wise course on the part of Col. 
Doniphan and General Atchison, changed the course and pre- 
vented the hasty action of an infuriated mob, calling itself a 
<iourt, men who were all the bitter enemies of Joseph Smith 
and his followers. 

The next day a writing desk was prepared, with two secreta- 
ries or clerks ; it was placed in the middle of the hollow square 
formed by the troops. The Mormons were marched in double 
file across the centre of the square, where the oOaeers and men 
who had remained in Far West surrendered themselves and their 
arms to General Clark, Commander-in-Chief of the Missouri 
Militia, then in arms against the Saints at Far West. I was 
among the number that then surrendered. I laid down a good 
Kentucky rifle, two good horse pistols and a sword. After 
■stacking our arms we were marched in single file, between 
a double file of the militia, who stood in a line from the secre- 
tary's desk, extending nearly across the square, ready to re- 
ceive us, with fixed bayonets. As each man came up to the 
stand, he stepped to the desk and signed his name to an instru- 
ment recapitulating the conditions of the treaty, which were sub- 
stantially as follows: We were to give a deed to all of our real 
estate, and to give a bill of sale of all our personal property, to 
pay the expenses of the war that had been inaugurated against 
us; that a committee of twelve should be appointed, one for 
Far West and one for Adam-on-Diamond, who were to be the 
sole judges of what would be necessary to remove each family 
out of the State, and all of the Mormons were to leave Missouri 



84 MOBMOMISM UNVEILED. 

by the first of April, A. D. 1839, and all the rest of the prop- 
erty of the Mormons was to be taken by the Missouri troops to 
pa}^ the expenses of the war. When the committee had exam- 
ined into affairs and made the assignment of property that the 
Mormons were to retain, a pass would be given by the commit- 
tee to each person as an evidence that he had gone through an 
investigation both as to his conduct and property. The prison- 
ers at Far West were to be retained and not allowed to return 
home until the committee had reported and given the certificate 
that all charges had been met and satisfied. I remained a pris- 
oner for nine days, awaiting the action cf the committee. While 
such prisoner I witnessed many scenes of inhumanity, even more 
degrading than brutality itself. The. mob of the militia w^as 
mostly composed of men who had been neighbors of the Mor- 
mons. This mob rifled the city, took what they wished, and 
committed many cruel and shameful deeds. These barbarous 
acts were done because they said the Mormons had stolen 
their goods and chattels, and while they pretended to search 
for stolen property they ravished women and committed other 
crimes at will. One day, while standing by a log fire, trying to 
keep warm, a man came up and recognized Riley Stewart, and 
said, "I saw you knock Dick Weldon down at Gallatin." With 
this he sprang and caught at an ax that had been stuck in a log ;. 
while trying to get the ax out, 9S it stuck fast in the log, Stewart 
ran ; the man succeeded in getting the ax loose ; he then threw 
it with all his force at Stewart ; fortunately the ax struck him a 
glancing blow on the head, not kilHng him, but giving him a se- 
vere wound. When one of the mob saw a saddle, or bridle, or 
any article they liked, they took it and kept it, and the Mor- 
mon prisoners dared not say a word about it. 

The night after he was wounded, Stewart broke through the 
guard, and escaped to his wife's people in Carroll County, fifty 
miles south of Far West. As soon as the citizens heard that 
Stewart had arrived, they notified his wife's brothers and father 
that an armed mob incen ded to take him out and whip him se- 
verely, and then tar and feather him. His friends notified him 
of the fact, and he attempted to make his escape, but the mob 
was on the watch. They caught him, and, holding two pistols 
at his head, forced him to take off his coat, kneel down, and 
receive fifty lashes. These were given him with such force that 
they cut through his linen shirt. After this whipping, he re- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 85 

turned to Far West, and took his chances with the rest of us. 
One day a soldier of the mob walked up to a house near where 
I was standing. The house was occupied by an old widow 
woman. Tlie soldier noticed a cow in the little shed, near the 
house. He said he thought that was a Danite cow; that he 
wanted to have the honor of killing a Danite, or something that 
belonged to a Danite. The old widow came to the door of her 
cabin^ and begged him to spare her cow, saying it was her only 
dependence for milk, that she had no meat, and if her cow was 
killed, she must suffer. " Well, then," said he, ''you can eat 
the cow for a change." He then shot the cow dead, and stood 
there and tantalized the old woman when she cried over her loss. 
While we were standing in line, waiting our turns to sign the 
treaty, a large company of men, painted like Indians, rode up 
^nd surrounded us. They were a part of the men who were in 
the fight at the town of Gallatin, on the day of election. They 
tantaUzed us and abused us in^every way they could with words. 
This treatment was hard to bear, but we were powerless to 
protect ourselves in any way. 



CHAPTER VI. 

LEE LOCATES THE GARDEN OF EDEN. 

I HAD a fine gray mare that attracted the attention of many 
of the mob. ''l was allowed to take her to water, while closely 
guarded by armed men. One day as I took her to water I was 
spoken to by several men, who said they were sorry for a man 
like me, who appeared to be honest and peaceablv disposed ; that 
they knew that I and many honest men were deluded by Joseph 
Smith, the impostor. But they thanked God he would delude 
no more people ; that he would certainly be shot ; that I had bet- 
ter quit my delusion and settle down by the officer in command, 
who was then talking to me, in Carroll County, and make a home 
for my family ; that I would never have peace or quiet while I 
remained with the Mormons. I heard him through. Then I 
said : " No man has deceived me. I am not deceived by Joseph 



86 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

Smith, or any other man. If I am deceived it is the Bible that 
has deceived me. I beUeve that Joseph Smith is a prophet of 
God, and I have the Bible as my authority in part for this belief. 
And I do not believe that Joseph Smith will be shot, as you seem 
to think. He has not finished his work yet." 

As I finished my remarks the officer became fearfully enraged,, 
and said, "That is the way with all you d — d Mormons. You 
might as well try to move a mountain as to turn a Mormon from 
his delusion. Blow the brains out of this fool! " In an instant 
several guns were leveled on me. I ^'magined I already felt the 
bullets piercing my body. The soldiers would certainly have 
shot me down if the officer had not immediately countermanded 
his order, by saying, "Hold on, boys, he is not worth five 
charges of ammunition." I said, "Gents, I am your prisoner, 
unarmed and helpless, and I demand your protection. Bat if 
you consider there is any honor in treating a man, an American 
prisoner, in this way, you can do it." 

As we returned to camp the man said, " We will make it hot 
for the Mormons yet before we are done with them, and if you 
have not got enough of them now, you will have before you are 
done with them ; and you will remember my words when it is too 
late to serve you." 

"I may," said I; "when I do I will own up like a little 
man. But until I am so convinced I will never turn my coat." 

"Well," said he, "you are not so bad after all. I like a 
firm man, if he only has reason on his side." 

The Mormons were forted, or barricaded, in the public school 
houses, and kept without any rations being issued to them. Tlie 
grain fields and gardens that belonged to the Mormons were 
thrown open to the stock and wasted. Our cattle and other 
stock were shot down for sport and left for the wolves and birds 
of prey to devour. We were closely guarded, and not allowed 
to go from our quarters without a guard. We were nearly 
starved for several days, until I obtained permission to go out 
and bring in some of the cattle that the soldiers had killed for 
sport. The weather was cold and the snow deep, so the meat 
was good. I also got permission to gather in some vegetables, 
and from that time, while we remained prisoners, the men liad 
plenty to eat, yet often it was of a poor quaUty. While a pris- 
oner I soon learned that the loud and self-conceited men were- 
of-little account when danger stared them in the face. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 87 

Arrangements had been made to carry the treaty into effect. 
It was found necessary to send General Wilson with five hun- 
dred men to Adam-on-Diamond to compel the surrender, and 
signing of the treaty, as had been done at Far West, and the 
people of that place were to be treated just as we had been. 

I was recommended to General Wilson by the officer who had 
ordered his men to blow my brains out, as a suitable man for a 
guide to Adam-on-Diamond. He said that I was as stubborn as 
a mule, but still there was something about me he respected. 
That he believed that I was honest, and certainly no coward. 
General Wilson said: "Young man, do you live at Adam-on- 
Diamond?" I said: " I cannot say that I do, but I did once, 
and I have a wife and child there that I would like to see ; but 
as to a home I have none left." He said, "Where did you live 
before 3^ou came here?" "In Illinois," I answered. "You 
shall soon see your wife and child. I will start in the morning 
with my division for Adam-on-Diamond. You are at liberty to 
select two of your comrades and go with me as guides, to pilot 
us there. Be ready for an early start and report to my Adju- 
tant." " Thank you, sir, I will do as you request," said I. 

I selected two good men, I think Levi Stewart was one, but I 
have really forgotten who the other man was. In the morning 
I was on hand in time. The day was cold and stormy, a hard 
north wind blowing, and the snow falling rapidly. It was an 
open country for thirteen miles, with eighteen inches of snow on 
the ground. We kept our horses in the lope until we reached 
Shady Grove timber, thirteen miles from Far West. There we 
camped for the night by the side of Waldo Littlefield's farm. 
The fence was burned for camp-fires, and his fields of grain 
were fed to the horses, or rather the animals were turned loose 
in the fields. After camp was struck I went to General Wilson 
and said, " General, I have come to beg a favor of you. I ask 
you in the name of humanity to let me go on to Adam-on-Dia- 
mond to-day. I have a wife and helpless babe there. I am 
informed our house has been burned, and she is likely out in 
this storm without a shelter. You are half-way there ; the snow 
is deep, and you can follow our trail (it had then slackened up, 
or was snowing but little) in the morning; there is but one 
road to the settlement." He looked at me for a moment, and 
then said, " Young man, your request shall be granted, I admire 
your resolution." He then turned to his Aid, who stood tremb- 



88 MOB MONISM UNVEILED. 

ling in the snow, and said, "Write Mr. Lee and liis two com- 
rades a pass, saying tliat they have gone through an examina- 
tion at Far West, and have been found innocent," etc. The 
Adjutant drew out his portfolio and wrote as follows: "I per- 
mit John D. Lee to remove from Daviess to Caldwell County, 
and to pass out of the State, as he has undergone an examina- 
tion at Far West and was fully acquitted. Marrowbone En- 
campment, Caldwell County, Mo., Nov. 15, 1839. 

" R. Wilson, Brigadier Gen. 
"R. F. CocKEY, Aid-de-Camp." 

After receiving my pass I thanked the General for his humane 
act, and with my friends made the journey, through the snow, to 
Adam-on-Diamond. As we neared home the sun shone out 
brightly. When I got in sight of where my house had been, I 
saw my wife sitting by a log fire in the open air, with her babe 
in her arms. Some soldiers had cut a large hickory tree for fire- 
wood for her, and had built her a shelter with some boards I 
had dressed to weather-board a house, so she was in a measure 
comfortable. She had been weeping, as she had been informed 
that I was a prisoner at Far West, and would be shot, and that 
she need not look for me, for she would never see me again. 
When I rode up she was nearly frantic with delight, and as soon 
as I reached her side she threw herself into my arms and then 
her self-possession gave way and she wept bitterly ; but she soon 
recovered herself and gave me an account of her troubles during 
my absence. 

The next evening. General Wilson and his command arrived 
and camped near my little shanty. I starte d at once to report 
to General Wilson. On my way to him I passed my friend 
McBrier, who had trusted me for some cattle. I still owed him 
for them. I told him why I had been unable to paj^ him, and 
wished him to take the cattle back, as I still had all of them ex- 
cept one cow that had died of the murrain ; that it was an hon- 
est debt, and I wished to pay it. I asked him to go to my 
shanty with me, and said he could take what cattle were left, 
and a black mare that was worth $75, and an eight-day clock 
that was worth $25, for my note. " I have not got your note," 
said he. "Who has it?" I asked him. "I do not know, I 
supposed you had it." "I never saw it since I gave it to you." 
^'Well," said he, "my house was burned, and all my property 
either burned or taken from me, and your note was in the house 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 89 

when it was burned." "Well," said I, "it matters not with 
me, if you will take the property and give me a receipt against 
the note, so that it cannot be collected the second time, I will 
settle the debt." He then said, "I thought you had been in 
the party that burned the house, and had taken your note, but 
I am now satisfied to the contrary, and that you are an innocent 
man. All I ask is for you to renew the note. The property of 
the Mormons will be held to pay their debts, and the expenses of 
the war, and I will get my pay in that way. You just renew the 
note, and that will settle all between us." I then renewed the 
note, after which he went with me to General Wilson. McBrier 
introdced me to a number of the soldiers as an honest Mormon. 
This worked well in my favor, and pleased me much, for it sat- 
isfied me more than ever that honesty was the best policy. I 
had done nothing that I considered wrong ; there was no stolen 
property around my house. I did not have to run and hide, or 
screen any act of mine from the public gaze. My wife had been 
treated well personally, during my absence ; no insults had been 
offered to her, and I was well pleased at that. I was treated 
with respect by Gen. Wilson and his men. True, I was associa- 
ted with the people that had incurred the displeasure of the au- 
thorities, and my neighbors, who had committed crimes and lar- 
cenies, were then receiving fearf^il punishment for all they had 
done. The punishment, however, was in a great part owing to 
the fault of the people. When the Gentiles found any of their 
property that had been stolen, they became very abusive. 

Every house in Adam-on-Diamond was searched by the troops 
for stolen property. They succeeded in finding very much of 
the Gentile property that had been captured by the Saints in the 
various raids they made through the country. Bedding of every 
kind and in large quantities was found and reclaimed by the 
owners- Even spinning wheels, soap barrels and other articles 
were recovered. Each house where stolen property was found 
was certain to receive a Missouri blessing from the troops. The 
men who had been most active in gathering plunder had fled to 
Illinois, to escape the vengeance of the people, leaving their 
famiUes to suffer for the sins of the bleedini? Saints. By the 
terms of the treaty all the Mormons were to leave Daviess 
County within fifteen days, but they were allowed to stay 
through the winter in Caldwell County ; but all had to depart from 
Missouri before the first day of the next April. There were but 



90 MOMMOmSM U 2^ VEIL ED. 

few families that met with the kind treatment that mine did. 
The majority of the people were censured and persecuted as 
much as they were able to stand and live. 

In justice to Joseph Smith I cannot say that I ever heard him 
teach or even encourage men to pilfer or steal little things. He 
told the people that in an open war the contending factions 
were justified in taking spoil to subsist upon during the war; 
but he did despise this little, petty stealing. He told the peo- 
ple to wait until the proper time came to take back their rights, 
''Then," said he, " take the whole State of Missouri like men." 

When the people at Adam-on-Diamond had signed the treaty, 
and complied with the stipulations, the committee of twelve 
commenced their duties. When it came my turn to take the 
property necessary to take me out of the vState, I was told to fit 
myself out comfortably. I told them that I had a wife and one 
child, that I had two good wagons, one a heavy one-horse 
wagon, with fills, and that I had a large mare that was equal ta 
a common span, that the mare and wagon would do me, that 
I wanted some bedding and our clothing, and some other traps 
of little value ; that I had a good milk cow that I wished to 
give to a friend who had lost all his cattle, and his wife had died 
a short time before, leaving a little babe that must have milk. 
I told them they could take the rest of my property and do with 
it as they did with that of the brethren. I was worth then in 
property, at a fair valuation, $4,000. The officers were aston- 
ished at me and said they did not wish to oppress a man who 
acted fairl}''. They told me to take m}^ large wagon and two of 
my best horses, and all the outfit that I wanted. I thanked them 
for their kindness. I was permitted to give the cow to my friend 
and I had the privilege of taking such articles as I wished. I 
fitted up with just what would take me to Illinois, and left the 
remainder as a spoil for the enemies of the Church. 

I did not regret the loss of my property ; I gave it up as the 
price of my religious freedom ; but I did feel cast down to think 
and know that I was associated with so many petty thieves, 
whose ambition never rose higher than the smoke of their corn- 
cob pipes. I was sorrowful to find that the perfection I had 
thought the people possessed, was not, in fact, a part of their 
natures. 

I had long desired to associate myself with an honest people, 
whose motto should be promptness, punctuality, honesty — a 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 91 

people that feared God and worked righteousness, dealt justl}^, 
loved mercy and walked uprightly with each other before their 
God ; where my property, my life, my reputation would be held 
sacred by them all, the same as if it was their own. For the 
society of such a people I was willing to forsake all earthly sul)- 
stance, and even to have my name cast out as evil and trodden 
under foot, if I could be found worthy to serve with such a 
blessed people, and thus earn the boon of eternal life. But I 
had found another class of people ; they fell far short of the 
requisites that I had believed they possessed. When I found 
fault with having such characters in the Church I was told of the 
parable where Christ likened the kingdom of heaven to a net 
that was cast into the sea, which, when drawn to the shore, had 
in it all kinds of fish ; the servants picked out the good and 
kept them for the Master's use, and the bad were cast back into 
the sea ; that we could not expect anything different with the 
kingdom on earth ; that it was a trick of the evil one to cause 
such persons to rush into the gospel net to harrass and torment 
the Saints with their evil doings, but the time would come 
when forbearance would cease to be a virtue, then all those who 
worked iniquity or gave offense in the kingdom would be cut off 
and destroyed ; that we must bear with them until the time came 
to correct the evil. 

Before I speak of other things I will say a few words of the 
country we were then in. Adam-on-Diamond was at the point 
where Adam came and settled and blest his posterity after being 
driven from the Garden of Eden. This was revealed to the peo- 
ple through Joseph Smith, the Prophet. The Temple Block in 
Jackson County, Missouri, stands on the identical spot where 
once stood the Garden of Eden. When Adam and Eve were 
driven from the Garden they traveled in a northwesterly course 
until they came to a valley on the east side of Grand River. 
There they tarried for several years, and engaged in tilling the 
soil. On the east of the valley there is a low range of hills. 
Standing on the summit of the bluffs a person has a full view of 
the beautiful valley that lies below, dotted here and there with 
elegant groves of timber. On the top of this range of hills Adam 
erected an altar of stone, on which he offered sacrifice unto the 
Lord. There was at that time (in 1838) a pile of stone there, 
which the Prophet said was a portion of the altar on which 
Adam offered sacrifice. Althouojh these stones had been ex^ 



•52 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

posed to the elements for many generations of time, still the 
traces remained to show the dimensions and design of the altar. 
After Adam had offered his sacrifice he went up the valley some 
two miles, where he blessed his posterity and called the place 
the Valley of Adam-on-Diamond, which, in the reformed Egyp- 
tian language, signifies Adam's Consecrated Land. It is said to 
be seventy-five miles, in a direct course, from the Garden of 
Eden to Adam-on-Diamond. Those supposed ancient relics and 
sacred spots of earth are held sacred by the greater portion of 
the Latter Day Saints. To a casual observer it appears that this 
people are all the time chasing a phantom of some sort, Avhich 
only exists in the brain of the fanatical followers. These things, 
and much more concerning the early days, were revealed to 
Joseph Smith. 

On the 20th day of November, 1838, I took leave of my home, 
;and the spot I considered sacred ground, on Adam-on-Diamond, 
and started as a banished person to seek a home in Illinois. 
We went to my farm on Shady Grove Creek, and staid over 
night. We found everything as we had left it, nothing had been 
interfered with. I killed a large hog and dressed it to carry 
with us to eat on the journey. The snow was fully twenty 
inches deep, weather very cold, and taken all in all, it was a 
disagreeable and unpleasant trip. We went to the settlement 
on Log Creek, and stopped with the family of Robert Bidwell. 
He had plenty of property. This man had good teams, and 
had reaped where he had not sown, and gathered where he had 
not strewn. He was engaged in removing families of his help- 
less brethren to Quincy, Illinois, who had not teams to move 
themselves, but who had a little money that he was after, and 
he got all they had. For some reason unexplained to me, he 
had been permitted to keep all of his property ; none of it was 
taken by the troops. While at Bidwell's I bought a crib of corn, 
about two hundred bushels, for a pocket-knife. I built a stable 
for my mare, and a crib for the corn, and hauled wood enough 
to do the whole family for the rest of the winter. I also 
attended to Bidwell's stock and worked all the time for him. 
They had five children, which made considerable work for the 
women folks ; m}^ wife worked for them all the time. During 
this time we had nothing but corn to eat. The hog I killed at 
my farm was diseased, and I had to throw the meat away. Not- 
withstanding our constant work for Bidwell's family, they never 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 93-. 

gave us a drop of milk or a meal of victuals while we remained 
there. Mrs. Bidwell fed six gallons of milk to their hogs each 
day. I offered to feed the hogs corn for milk, so we could have 
milk to eat with our boiled corn, but she refused the offer, say- 
ing they had all they needed. They did have provisions of 
every kind in abundance, but not a particle of food could we 
obtain from them. Prayer meetings were frequently held at 
their house. They had plenty of tallow, but Mrs. Bidwell would 
not allow a candle to be burned in the house unless some other 
person furnished it. One night at prayer meeting I chanced to 
speak upon the subject of covetuousness, and quoted the twelfth 
chapter of Paul to the Corinthians, where he speaks of mem- 
bers of the Church of Christ being united. I was feehng badly 
to see so much of the covetuousness of the world in some of 
the members of the Church, and I talked quite plainly upon the 
subject. The next morning Mrs. Bidwell came into our room 
and said that my remarks at the meeting the evening before 
vrere directed at her, and she wanted me to understand that if 
I did not like my treatment there, she wanted us to go where 
we would fare better. This inhuman and unwelcome language 
did not set well on an empty stomach, and was more than I 
could bear. I burst into tears. Yet I pitied the ungrateful 
woman. As soon as I could control my feelings I said, " Sister 
Bidwell, I will take you at your word. I will leave your house 
as soon as I can get my things into my wagon, but before I 
Jeave you, I wish to say a few words for you to ponder on when 
we are gone. In the first place, you and I profess to be mem- 
bers of the same Church ; for the sake of our faith my family 
has been broken up and driven from a comfortable home, in 
this inclement season of the year. We came here seeking shel- 
ter from the stormy blasts of winter, until the severity of the 
weather was past, when we intended to leave this State. You have 
been more fortunate than your brethren and sisters who lived in 
Daviess County. You are allowed to live in your own house, 
but we are homeless wanderers. Now you drive us from the 
shelter of your roof, for a trivial offense, if offense it was. But 
I assure you that you are only angry because my words were 
the truth. Woe unto you who are angry and offended at the 
truth. As you do unto others, so will your Heavenly Father do 
unto you. In as much as you have done this unnatural act,. 



94 310BM0NI8M UNVEILED. 

jou will yet be houseless and homeless — you will be one day de- 
pendent upon those that you now drive from your door." 

At first she mocked me, but soon her tune changed and she 
commenced to cry. She then begged me not to get angry with 
what a woman said. I told her I could not undo what I had 
said — that I should start at once for Quincy, Illinois. We left the 
house of the stingy and selfish family, intending to go direct to 
Illinois. We traveled until we arrived at the house of a man by 
the name of Morris; they had a much smaller house than Bid- 
well's, but they would not listen to our continuing our journey 
■during the severe cold weather. We accepted their invitation, 
and stayed there about two weeks. This family possessed the 
true Christian spirit, and treated us while there as kindly as if 
we had been their own children. While staying with Brother 
Morris I attended several meetings at Far West. Old Father 
Smith, the father of the Prophet, lead the meetings. He also 
directed the exodus of the Saints from Missouri to Illinois. 
Thomas B. Marsh was at that time President of the Twelve 
Apostles, and I think Brigham Young was second and Orson 
Hyde the third on the roll. The great opposition to our people 
and Church caused the two pillars, Marsh and Hyde, to become 
weak-kneed and turn over to the enemy. Col. G. M. Hinkle, 
Dr. Averard, Judge W. W. Phelps, and others of the tall men 
of the Church followed suit. I remember going with Levi 
Stewart to some of those fallen angels (in the days of our pros- 
perity they had looked like angels to me) to enquire what to do 
and what was to be the future conduct of our people. G. M. 
Hinkle said that it was his opinion our leaders^ Joseph Smith and 
those with him in prison, would be either hung or imprisoned 
for life — that the members of the Church would scatter to the 
four winds, and never gather again in this dispensation. We 
then went to Joseph's father and asked him for counsel. He 
told us that the Saints would gather again in Illinois. We 
asked him at what point. He said, " I do not know yet, but the 
farther north we go the less poisonous serpents we will find." 
He then advised us to attend private meetings and be set apart 
to the ministry. Public meetings could not be held by the terms 
•of the treaty. We did attend private meetings, and I was or- 
dained in the Quorum of Seventies, under the hands of Joseph 
Young and Levi Hancock. Stewart was ordained to the lesser 
priesthood, which gave him authority to preach and baptize, but 



1 

LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 95 

not to confirm. The office that I hehl gave me authority to 
preach, baptize and confirm by the laying on of hands, for tlie 
reception of the Holy Ghost, and to ordain and set apart Elders, 
Priests, Teachers and Deacons, and to ordain a Seventy or High 
Priest, as the (.ffice of a Seventy belongs to the Melchisedek 
Priesthood ; yet a Seventy'' or High Priest is generally ordained 
and set apart by the presidents of the several quorums. After 
we were ordained we attended a private feast and blessing meet- 
ing, at which my wife and I got our Patriarchal Blessing, under 
the hands of Isaac Morley, Patriarch. This office properly be- 
longs to those that are ordained and set apart to that calling, to 
bless the fatherless and the widow especially, but he can bless 
others who ask it and pay one dollar for the blessing. 0;ten the 
widow and the poor are blessed free, but this is at the option of 
the Patriarch. 

My Patriarchal Blessing was in the following form: "Patri- 
archal Blessing of John D. Lee. By Isaac Morley, Patriarch. 
Caldwell County, Missouri, Dec. — , 1838. Brother John D. 
Lee : In the name of Jesus of Nazareth, and by virtue and au- 
thority of the Holy Priesthood, in me vested, I lay my hands 
upon thy head, and confer upon thee a Patriarchal or Father's 
Blessing. Thou art of Ephraim, through the loins of Joseph, 
that was sold in Egypt. And inasmuch as thou hast obeyed the 
requirements of the gospel of salvation, thy sins are forgiven 
thee. Tiiy name is written in the Lamb's Book of Life, never 
more to be blotted out. Thou art a lawful heir to all the bless- 
ings of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob in the new and everlasting 
covenant. Thou shalt travel until thou art satisfied with see- 
ing. Thousands shall hear the everlasting gospel proclaimed 
from thy lips. Kings and princes shall acknowledge thee to be 
their father in the new and everlasting covenant. Thou shalt 
have a numerous posterity, who shall rise up and bless thee. 
Thou shalt have houses and habitations, flocks, fields and herds. 
Thy table shall be strewed with the rich luxuries of the earth, to 
feed tliy numerous family and friends who shall come unto thee. 
Thou shalt be a counselor in Israel, and many shall come unto 
thee for instruction. Tiiou shalt have power over thine ene- 
mies. Tliey that oppose thee shall yet come bending u'rito thee. 
Thou shalt sit under thine own vine and fig tree, where none 
shall molest or make thee afraid. Thou slialt be a blessing to thy 
family and to the Church of Jesus Ctirist of Latter D.iy Saints. 



96 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

Thou slialt understand the hidden things of the kingdom of 
heaven. The spirit of inspiration shall be a light in thj^ path 
and a guide to thy mind. Thou shall come forth in the morn- 
ing of the first resurrection, and no fower shall hinder, except 
the shedding of innocent blood, or consenting thereto. I seal 
thee up to eternal life. In the name of the Father, and of the 
Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen, and Amen." 

To a true believer in the faith of the Latter Day Saints a 
blessing of this kind, from under the hand of a Patriarch, was 
then, and is now, considered next to a boon of eternal life. We 
were taught to look upon a Patriarch as a man highly favored of 
God, and that he possessed the gift of discerning of spirits and 
could read the present and future destiny of men. Of all this I 
then had no doubt. 

Patriarchal blessings are intended to strengthen, stimulate 
and encourage true Saints, and induce them to press on to per- 
fection while passing through this world of sorrows, cares and 
disappointments. 

Having been ordained and blessed, my next step was to arm 
myself with the Armor of Righteousness, and in my weakness 
pray for strength to face a frowning world. I had put my hands 
to the plow and I was determined that, with God's help, I would 
never turn back to the sinful elements of the world, the flesh and 
the devil. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE SAINTS GATHER AT NAUVOO. 

ABOUT the middle of February, 1839, I started back for 
Fayette County, Illinois, with my family, in company with 
Levi Stewart and Riley Helm, two of my old Illinois neighbors. 
^yhile traveling through Missouri we were kindly treated by 
most of the people ; many of them requested us to stop and set- 
tle down by them. I refused to do so, for I knew there was no 
safety for a true Saint in that State, at that time. When we 
crossed the Mississippi River at Quinc}^, and touched Illinois 
soil, I felt like a new man, and a free American citizen again. 



LIFE OF JOIiy D. LEE. 97 

At this place I found many of the Saints who had preceded us, 
camped along the river. Some had obtained employment, all 
appeared happy in the faith and strong in the determination to 
build up the Kingdom. Here I parted with Riley *Helra, his 
team had given out, and he could go no farther. I gave him 
twenty-five cents in money, all that I had in the world, and 
twelve pounds of nails, to buy food with until he could find aid 
from some other quarter. I had laid in enough provisions at 
Brother Morris' to last me until I could reach my old home 
again. 

I started from Quincy by way of Mr. Vanleven's, the man I 
sold my cattle to when going to join the Saints. Without meet- 
ing with any remarkable adventures, I arrived at Vanleven's 
house and was kindly received by him. He had the money 
ready for me, and paid me in full all he owed on the cattle. I 
now saw that some honesty yet remained in the world. I took 
$200 and left the rest of it with my friend and banker, so that it 
would be safe in case I met another storm of oppression. 

I then went to Vandalia, Illinois, and put up with my wife's 
sister's husband, Hickerson. He was in good circumstances. 
I left my wife with her sister, after laying in a supply of provis- 
ions for her and our child. I then commenced preparing for a 
mission. I did not know where I was to go, but I felt it my duty 
to go forth and give my testimony to the truth of the Gospel as 
revealed by Joseph Smith, the Prophet of the everlasting God. 
Stewart was to go with me ; he had made arrangements for the 
comfort of his family during his absence. 

I started on my first mission about the 1st of April, 1839. I 
bade adieu to my little family and started forth, an illiterate, 
inexperienced person, without purse or scrip. I could hardly 
quote a passage of Scripture, yet I went forth to say to the world 
that I was a minister of the gospel, bearing a message from on 
high, with the authority to call upon all men to repent, be bap- 
tized for the remission of their sins, and receive the Holy Spirit 
by the laying on of hands. I had never attempted to preach a 
discourse in my life. I expected trials, and I had them to un- 
dergo many times. 

Brother Stewart and myself started forth on foot, with our va- 
lises on our backs. We walked about thirty miles the first day, 
and as night was approaching, we called at a house for lodging. 
They had been having a log rolUng there that day, and quite a 
7 



98 MOBMONISM UNVEILED, 

number of people were around the house. We asked for lodging- 
and refreshments. Our request was carried back to the supper- 
room to the man of the house, and we stood at the gate awaiting 
the reply. Presently the man came out and said that no d — d. 
Mormon preacher could stay in his house ; and if we wished to 
save our scalps, we had better be making tracks livel}'. Brother 
Stewart took him at his word, and started off at a double quick. 
I followed, but more slowly. We made no reply to that man's 
remarks. 

A mile further on we again called for lodging. The man 
could not keep us, as he was poor, and his family was sick ; but 
he directed us to a house half a mile from the traveled road, 
where he said a man lived that was an infidel, but he would not 
turn a hungry man from his door. We went to the house, and 
asked for entertainment. The man said he never turned a man 
from his door hungry, but he had as soon entertain horse-thieves 
as Mormon preachers ; that he looked upon all Mormons as 
thieves, robbers and scoundrels. There was determination in 
his voice as he addressed us in this manner. He held his rifle 
in his hand while speaking. Then he said, "Walk in, gentle- 
men. I never turn the hungry away." He then addressed his 
wife, a very pretty, unassuming lad}^, and said, "Get these men 
some supper, for I suppose they feel pretty lank." 

A good supper was soon on the table ; but I could not eat. 
Stewart ate his supper, and soon was enjoying himself talking 
to the family. He was a great talker; liked to hear himself 
talk. They requested me to eat, but I thanked them, and said 
rest would do me more good than eating. I soon retired, but 
did not sleep. I was humiliated ; my proud spirit was broken 
and humbled ; the rough words used toward me had stricken me 
to the heart. At da3'light we were on our way again. 

About ten o'clock we arrived at a little town, and went to 
the pump to get a drink. While there a woman came to the 
pump, and asked us if we were Mormon preachers. We told 
her we were out on that business, but had never preached yet. 
She invited us to her house, saying she owned the hotel ; that 
she was a widow ; she would inform the people of the town that 
we were there, and as it was the Sabbath, we could preach in 
her house ; for she wished to hear the strange doctrine. We 
consented to remain, and went home with her and had some- 
thing to eat. At eleven oclock, A. M., I made my debut to 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 99 

quite an attentive audience. I both quoted and made Scrip- 
ture. I had been fasting and praying until I had become as 
humble as a child. My whole mind and soul were swallowed up 
in the Gospel. My most earnest desire was to be able to im- 
part to others that knowledge that I had of the truths of the 
Gospel. When I began to speak I felt an electric thrill through 
my whole system. I hardly knew what I said, and the people 
said I spoke from inspiration ; and none of the audience noticed 
my mistakes in quoting Scripture. 

After dinner my companion, Stewart, proposed to travel on, 
and I agreeing with him, we left the town, although the people 
wished us to stay and preach again. I had but little confidence 
in myself, and concluded to preach but seldom, until I got 
over my timidity or man-fearing feeling that most new begin- 
ners are subject to. But I have now been a public speaker for 
thirty-five years, and I have not yet entirely gotten over that 
feeling. 

We started for Cincinnati, and traveled two days and a half 
without food. M3^ boots hurt my feet and our progress was 
quite slow. The third night we applied to a tavern keeper for 
lodging and food. He said we were welcome to stay in his house 
free, but he must have pay for what we eat. We sat in the 
hall all night, for we were much reduced by hunger and fatigue. 
That was a miserable night indeed. I reflected the matter over 
and over again, scrutinized it up one side and down the other. 
I could not see why a servant of God should receive such treat- 
ment — that if I was in the right faith, doing the will of God, 
that He would open up the way before me, and not allow me to 
perish under the sore trials then surrounding me. I had seri- 
ously considered the propriety of walking back to where the 
kind landlady had given us our last meal, but was soon comfort- 
ed, for these words came into my mind, " He that putteth his 
hands to the plow, and then looketh back, is not fit for the King- 
dom of Heaven;" "If ye were of the world, then the world 
would love its own, but because I have chosen you out of the 
world, the world persecuteth you ;" "Ye, and all who live God- 
ly in Christ Jesus, shall suflfer persecution, while evil men and 
seducers shall wax worse and worse, deceiving and being de- 
ceived;" that the Son of God himself, when he entered upon 
the duties of His mission, was led into the wilderness, where He 
was tempted forty days and nights, and when he was hungry and 



100 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

asked for bread, he was told, substantially, that if his mission 
was of God, that God would feed him, that if hungry he could 
turn the stones to bread and eat. I remembered that similar 
sayings had been thrown into our te'eth. These thoughts passed 
through my frame like electricity, or to use the language of one 
of the old prophets, it was like fire shut up in my bones ; I felt 
renewed and refreshed from head to foot, and determined to 
trust in that Arm that could not be broken, to conquer and sub- 
due the passions of my nature, and by the help of God to try 
and bring tliem in subjection to the will of the Spirit, and not of 
the flesh, which is carnal, sensual and devilish. I determined 
that there should be no lack on my part. 

Daylight came at last, and we renewed our journey. I put a 
double guard over my evil passions that were sown thickly in 
my sinful nature. The passion most dreaded by me was the lust 
of the flesh ; that I knew to be the worst enemy to mj^ salvation, 
and I determined to master it. I have walked along in silence 
for hours, with my heart lifted up to God in prayer, pleading 
with Him to give me power over my passions and sinful desires, 
that I might conquer and drive from my mind those besetting- 
sins that were continually warring with the Spirit, which, if 
cherished or suff'ered to remain, would wound and grieve the 
Spirit and drive it away. It is written, "My Spirit will not dwell 
in an unholy temple." Jesus said to his followers that they 
were the Temple of the Living God ; that if they who had charge 
of those temples, or bodies, allowed them to become unholy, 
that he would destroy that body ; but those who guarded their 
temples, and kept them pure and holy, that he and his Father 
would come and take up their abode and dwell with them as a 
constant companion forever, even unto the end; and would 
guide them in all truth and show them things past, present and 
to come. From day to day I have kept my mind in a constant 
strain upon this subject. Notwithstanding this the tempter was 
ever on the alert, and contested every inch of ground with me. 
Often, while I was in the most solemn reflections, the tempter 
would place before me some lovely female, possessing all the al- 
lurements of her sex, to draw my mind from the contemplation of 
holy things. For a moment humanity would claim the victory, 
but quick as thought I would banish the vision from my mind, 
and plead with God for strength and power to resist the tempta- 
tions that were besetting me, and to enable me to cast aside the 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 101 

love of sinful pleasures. The words of. the Apostle Paul were 
appropriate for me at that and in future time, when he de- 
clared that he died daily to crucify the deeds of the flesh ; so it 
was with me. I was soon convinced that I could not serve two 
masters, God and Mammon. When I tried to please the one I 
was certain to displease the other. I found that I must give 
myself up wholly to God and His ministry, and conduct myself 
as a man of God, if I would be w^orthy of the name of a mes- 
senger of salvation. I must have the Spirit of God to accompa- 
ny my words, and carry conviction to the honest in heart. In 
this way I grew in grace from day to day, and I have never seen 
the day that I regretted taking up my cross and giving up all 
other things to follow and obey Christ, my Redeemer and 
Friend. 

But I do most sincerely regret that I have ever suffered my- 
self to be captivated by the wiles of the devil, contrary to my 
better judgment. I regret that I have ever listened, or given 
the least credence, to the man}^ monstrous absurdities that 
Brigham Young has introduced into the Mormon creed, and 
claimed, as the successor of Joseph Smith, to have coupled with 
the gospel of Jesus Christ. Brigham Young has introduced 
many things that have no affinity with the gospel whatever ; but 
these new doctrines are contrary, in spirit and substance, to the 
gospel. They are at war with the doctrines of the Church, and 
antagonistic to the peace, safety, and happiness of the people 
known as Latter Day Saints. The whole study, aim, and design 
of Brigham Young is to disrobe the Saints of every vestige of 
their remaining constitutional rights, and take from them all 
liberty of thought or conscience. He claims, and has claimed, 
since he became the head of the Church, that the will and acts 
of the people must all be dictated by him. The people have no 
right to exercise any will of their own. In a w^ord, he makes 
himself out to be as infallible as the God of the universe, and 
delights in hearing the apostles and elders declare to the people 
that he, Brigham Young, is God. He claims that the people are 
answerable to him as to their God. That they must obey his 
every beck and call. It matters not what he commands or re- 
quests the people to do, it is their duty to hear and obey. To 
disobey the will of Brigham Young is, in his mind, a sin against 
the Holy Ghost, and is an unpardonable sin to be wiped out 
only by blood atonement. The followers of Brigham Young 



102 M0B3I0XISM UNVEILED. 

are serfs, slaves, and willing instruments to carry out tlie selfish 
designs of the nian that disgraces the seat once occupied by 
God's chosen Prophet, Joseph Smith. 

I must now resume my narrative, but I will hereafter speak of 
Brigham Young more at length. 

We left the Fasting Hotel, as I called it, and traveled to 
.Hamilton, Ohio, then a neat little town. As we arrived in the 
center of the town, I felt impressed to call at a restaurant, kept 
by a foreigner. It was then noon. This was the first house 
we had called at since morning. As we entered, the pro- 
prietor requested us to unstrap our valises and sit down and 
rest, saying we looked very tired. He asked where we were 
from, and where we were going. We answered all his questions. 
He then offered us refreshments ; we informed him that we had 
no money, and had eaten nothing for three days. He said it 
made no difference to him, that if we had no money we were 
more welcome than if we had plenty of it. We then eat a hearty 
meal, and he gave us a drink of cider. He then filled our knap- 
sacks with buns, cheese, sausages, and other things, after which 
he bid us God speed. We traveled on with hearts full of grati- 
tude to God, the bountiful Giver, who had opened the heart of 
the stranger who had just supphed our wants, and we felt grate- 
ful to and blessed the man for his generous actions. While 
passing through Cincinnati we were ofi'ered refreshments by a 
lady that kept an inn. We crossed the Ohio river at Cincinnati, 
and stopped over night at a hotel on the Kentucky side of the 
river. We then traveled through Kentucky and into Overton 
and Jackson Counties, Tennessee. 

I now bear testimon}^, though many years have passed since 
then, that from the moment that I renewed my covenant to deny 
mys-elf of all unrighteousness, and decided to live the life of a 
man devoted to God's work on earth, I have never felt that I 
was alone, or without a Friend powerful to aid, direct and shield 
me at all times and during all troubles. 

I stopped with my friend Levi Stweart at the houses of his 
relatives in Overton and Jackson Counties, and' preached several 
times. My friend Stewart was blessed with a large bump of 
self-esteem. He imagined that he could convert all of his rela- 
tions at once ; that all he had to do was to present the gospel, 
and they would gladly embrace it. He appeared to forget that 
a prophet was not without honor, save in his own country and 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 103 

among bis own kinfolks. Stewart, though I was his superior in 
the priesthood, if not in experience and ability, looked upon me 
as a cypher, fit for nothing. The rough treatment and slights 
that I received from him were more than humiliating to a man 
of fine feelings and a proud spirit, such as I possessed. I said 
nothing to him, but I poured out my soul in secret prayer to my 
Heavenly Father, asking him to open the door for my deliver- 
ance, so that my proud spirit, which was bound down, might 
have a chance to soar in a free element. 

One Sunday we attended a Baptist meeting. We sat facing 
the preacher, but at the far side of the house. My mind was 
absorbed in meditating upon my future labors. Gradually I lost 
consciousness of my surroundings, and my whole being seemed 
in another locality. I was in a trance and saw future events. 
What I then saw was to me a reality, and I will describe it as 
such. I traveled, valise in hand, in a strange land, and among 
a people that I had never seen. I was kindly received by the 
people, and all my wants were supplied without my having to 
ask for charity. I traveled on, going over a mountainous coun- 
try. I crossed a clear, handsome river, and was kindly received 
by the family of the owner of the ferry at the river. I stayed 
with this family for sisme days. I then recrossed the river and 
called at a house, where I asked for a drink of water, which was 
given to me. I held quite a conversation with two young 
women. They informed me that there was no minister in the 
neighborhood ; also that their father had gone in pursuit of a 
Mormon preacher that had passed that way a few days before. 
A few days passed, and I saw myself in the midst of a large 
congregation, to whom I was preaching. 1 also baptized a large 
number and organized quite a flourishing branch of the Church 
there, and was in charge of that people. I was very popular 
with, and almost worshiped by, my congregation. I saw all this, 
and much more, when my vision closed. 

My mind gradually changed back, and I found myself sitting 
in the meeting house, where I had been just forty minutes be- 
fore. This was an open day vision, in which the curtains of 
heaven were raised and held aside from futurity to allow me to 
look into the things which were to come. A feeUng of heavenly 
rapture filled my being, so much so that, like the apostle who 
was caught up into the third heaven, I did not know whether I 
was in the body or out of it during my vision. I saw things 



104 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

that it would be unlawful for men to utter. While the vision 
lasted my soul was lighted up as if illuminated with the 
candle of God. When the vision closed, the hallowed influ- 
ence gradually withdrew ; yet leaving sufficient of its glorious- 
influence upon my soul to justify me in ff^'^ling and knowing 
that I was then chosen of God as a servant in his earthly 
kingdom ; and I was also made to know, by my sensations, 
that my vision was real, and would soon be verified in every 
particular. 

At the close of the church services, we returned to our lodg- 
ings. Stewart asked me if 1 was sick. I said, ''No, I am not 
sick, but I feel serious ; yet I am comfortable." That evenings 
after I had given some time to secret prayer, I retired to rest. 
Very soon afterwards the vision returned, though somewhat va- 
ried. I was in the midst of a strange people, to whom I was 
propounding the gospel. They received it with honest hearts, 
and looked upon me as a messenger of salvation. I visited from 
house to house, surrounded by friends and kindred spirits, with 
whom I had once been familiar in another state of existence. I 
was in the spirit, and communing with the host of spirits that 
surrounded me ; and encouraged me to return to the body, and 
continue to act the part that my Master had assigned me. No> 
person, except those who have entered by pureness of heart and 
constant communion with God, can ever enter into the joyou& 
host, with whom I then, and in after life, held intercourse. 

When I came to myself in the morning, I determined to trav- 
el until the end of time, to find the people and country that God 
had shown me in my first vision ; and I made my arrangements- 
to start forth again, knowing that God now went with me. 

I started oflTthe next morning, after having a talk with Brother 
Stewart. He tried to dissuade me from going, saying I had 
little experience, not sufficient to warrant my traveling alone, 
that we had better remain together where we were for a season, 
for we had a home there, and we could study and inform our- 
selves more thoroughly before starting out among strangers. I 
told him that, in and of my own strength I was but a weak vessel ; 
but my trust was in God, and unless He would bless my labors 
I could not accomplish much. That I was God's servant, en- 
gaged in His work, therefore I looked to Him for strength and 
grace sufficient to sustain me in my day of trial. That I trusted 
in the arm of God alone, and not in one of flesh. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 105 

I started off in a southwesterly course, over the Cumberland 
Mountains, and went about seventy miles through a heavily 
timbered country. I found many species of wild fruit in abun- 
dance along the way. Springs of pure, cold water were quite 
common. I passed many little farms and orchards of cultivated 
fruit, such as cherries, peaches, pears and apples. As I pro- 
ceeded, the country became familiar to me, so much so that I 
soon knew I was on the very ground I had seen in xaj vision in 
the Baptist Church. I saw the place where I had held my first 
meeting, and my joy was great to behold with my eyes what I 
had seen through a glass darkly. I turned aside from the road, 
and beneath the spreading branches of the forest trees I lifted 
my heart with gratitude to God for what he had done for me. I 
then went to the house where I had seen the multitude assem- 
ble, and where I was preaching. I saw the two young ladies 
there that I had beheld in my vision. They appeared to me as 
though I had known them from infancy, they so perfectly ac- 
corded with those that I had seen while God permitted me to 
see into futurity. Yes, I saw the ladies, but their father was 
gone from home, I asked for a drink of water, and it was 
handed to me, as I had seen it done in my vision. I asked 
them if there had ever been any Mormon preachers in that 
country. They said there had not been any there. The youno- 
ladies were modest and genteel in behavior. 

I passed on to the Cumberland River, was set over the river 
by the ferryman, and lodged at his house. So far all was natu- 
ral, it was part of what God had shown me ; but I was then at 
the outer edge of my familiar scenery. I stayed about a week 
with the ferryman. His name was Vanleven, a relative of my 
friend and banker in Illinois. I made myself useful while there. 
I attended the ferry, and did such work as I could see needed 
attending to. I also read and preached Mormon doctrines to the 
family. On the fifth day after reaching the ferry, I saw five men 
comincr to the ferry. I instantly recognized one of them as the 
man i iiad seen in my vision — the man that took me to his 
house to preach. My heart leaped for joy, for God had sent 
him in answer to the prayers I had offered to God, asking that 
the man should be sent for me. I crossed the men over and 
back again, and although I talked considerably to the man about 
what was uppermost in my mind, he said nothing about 
my going home with him. I was much disappointed. I retired 



lOQ MOB3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

for secret prayer, and asked God, in the name of His Son Jesus 
Christ, to aid me, to send the man whom I had seen in my vision 
back for me. Before I left my knees I had an evidence that 
my prayer was answered. The next morning at daylight I in- 
formed my friends that I must depart in search of my field of 
labor. They asked me to stay until breakfast, but I refused. 
One of the negroes put me over the river, and directed me how 
to cross the mountains on the trail that was much shorter than 
the wagon road. I stopped in a little cove and ate a number of 
fine, ripe cherries. I then went on until I reached what to me 
was enchanted ground. I met the two sisters at the gate, and 
asked them if their father was at home. "No, he is not at 
home," said the ladies, '' he has gone to the ferry to see a Mor-. 
mon preacher, and see if he can get him to come here and preach 
in this neighborhood," and then said I must have met him on 
the road. I told them that I had come over the trail, and said 
I was probably the man he had gone for. They replied, " Our 
father said that if you came this way, to have you stop and stay 
here until his return, and to tell you that you are welcome to 
preach at our house at any time." This was on Friday. I took 
out my pencil and wrote a notice that I would preach at that 
place on the following Sunday, at ten o'clock, a. m. I handed 
it to the girls. They agreed to have the appointment circulated. 
I passed on and preached at a place twelve miles from there, 
and returned in time for my appointment. When I arrived 
within sight of the place of meeting, I was filled with doubt and 
anxiety. I trembled all over, for I saw that a vast concourse of 
people had come to hear an inexperienced man preach the gos- 
pel. I went into the grove and again prayed for strength and 
assistance from my Father in Heaven, to enable me to speak His 
truth aright. I felt strengthened and comforted. As I arose 
from prayer, these words came into my mind, ''Truth is 
mighty and will prevail." 

I waited until the hour arrived for preaching ; then I ap- 
proached the place where I had once been in a vision. This 
meeting-place was in a valley, near a bold, pure spring; on 
either side was a high, elevated country ; in the centre of this 
valley there stood a large blacksmith and wagon shop, surround- 
ed with a bower of brush wood, to protect the audience from the 
sun. This bower would seat one thousand people. In the cen- 
tre of the bower they had erected a frame work or raised plat- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 107 

form for a pulpit. I took m}^ place and preached for one hour 
and a half. My tongue was like the pen of a ready wi iter. I 
scarcely knew what I was saying. I then opened the doors of 
the Church for the admission of members. Five persons joined 
the Church, and I appointed another meeting for that night. I 
again preached, when two more joined the Church. The next 
day I baptized the seven new members. I then arranged to 
hold meetings at that place three times a week. I visited around 
the country, seeking to convert sinners, while not engaged at this 
place. The first converts were leading people in that county. 
Elisha Sanders and his wife and daughter were the first to receive 
the gospel. Sanders was a farmer ; he had a large flouring mill, 
owned a wood yard, and was engaged in boat-building on the 
Cumberland River. Caroline C. Sanders had volunteered to 
publish the appointment of my first meeting, which I left with 
the daughters of Mr. Smith. 

I labored at this place two months, and baptized twentj^-eight 
persons, mostly the heads of famihes. I then organized them 
into a branch of the Church. Brother Sanders fitted up a room 
very handsomely for me, in which I could retire for study, rest 
:and secret prayer. I was made to feel at home there, and felt 
that God had quite fully answered my prayers. I had the 
knowledge that God's Spirit accompanied my words, carrying 
•conviction to the hearts of sinful hearers, and gave me souls as 
seals to my ministry. 

Brother Stewart soon preached himself out at his relatives' 
neighborhood. He heard of my success, and came to me. He 
said that the people where he had been preaching were an unbe- 
lieving set. I introduced him to the members of my congreo-a- 
tion, and had him preach with me a few times, which gratified 
him very much. One Sunday we were to administer the Ordi- 
nance of Baptism. Several candidates were in attendance. 
Brother Stewart was quite anxious to baptize the people. I was 
willing to humor him. So I said, " My friends. Brother Stewart, 
a priest of the New Dispensation, will administer the Ordinance 
of Baptism." The people stood still; no one would go forward 
or consent for him to baptize them. They said they would not 
be baptized until I would baptize them myself. I told them I 
would act if they desired it. So I baptized the people, and 
Brother Stewart was much off'ended with them. He had not 
yet learned that he that exalteth himself shall be cast down, 



108 MOEMONISM UNVEILED. 

and he that humbieth himself shall be exalted. I then called on 
the people for a contribution, to get some clothing for Brother 
Stewart. I had concluded to have him return home, and wished 
to clothe him up before he started, for he was then quite in need 
of it. The contribution was more liberal than I expected. 

I stayed there some three weeks after Brother Stewart had 
started for home. Then I made up my mind to go home and 
visit my family. Brother E. Sanders invited me to go to Gains- 
borough with him, where he presented me with a nice supply of 
clothing. Caroline C. Sanders presented me with a fine horse, 
saddle and bridle, and $12 in money. The congregation gave 
me $50, and I had from them an outfit worth over S300. I at 
first refused to accept the horse, but Miss Sanders appeared so 
grieved at this that I finally took it. I left my congregation in 
charge of Elder Julien Moses, and started for my family about 
the 1st of October, 1839. I promised to call on my flock the 
next Spring, or to send a suitable minister to wait upon them. 

When I reached Vandalia, Illinois, I found my family well. 
God had raised up friends for them in my absence. The Saint& 
were then gathering at Commerce, Hancock County, Illinois. I 
visited my sister's family that Fall ; they then lived about one 
hundred miles north of Vandalia. I preached often through 
Central lUinois, and that Fall I baptized all of my wife's family, 
except her father. He held out and refused the gospel until he 
was on his death bed ; then he demanded baptism, but being in 
a country place he died before an elder could be procured to 
baptize him. But by the rules of our Church a person can be 
baptized for the dead, and so he was saved to eternal life by the 
baptism of one of his children for the salvation of his soul. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

LEE CONTINUES HIS MISSIONARY WORK. 

SHORTLY after my return to Illinois, I built a house for my 
family, and that Winter assisted my brother-in-law, Richard 
Woolsey, to do his work in the blacksmith shop. I sometimes 
visited my wife's sister Nancy and family. They lived on the 
Four-Mile Prairie, in Fayette County, Illinois. Nancy had 
married a man named Thomas Gatewood ; he was known in that 
county as young Tom^ as his father's name was Thomas. Nancy 
was the secpnd wife of young Tom. His first wife left one child, 
a boy ; he was quite a lad then, and very chubby. The people 
when speaking of the Gatewood family, would designate them in 
this way, " Old Tom," " Young Tom," and " Tom Body," and 
I understand this name stuck to them for many years. 

During the Winter I entered into a trading and trafficking 
business with G. W. Hickerson. We would go over the country 
and buy up chickens, butter, feathers, beeswax, coon skins, etc., 
and haul them to St. Louis, and carry back calicoes and other 
goods in payment for the articles first purchased. We made 
some money that way. While carrying on this trade I drew the 
remainder of my money from my friend, Vanleven, and began 
my preparations for again joining the Saints at Nauvoo. About 
the middle of April, 1840, I succeeded in securing a good out- 
fit, and with my old friend Stewart, again joined the Saints at 
Nauvoo. I felt it to be God's will that I must obey the orders 
of the Prophet, hence my return to the society of the brethren. 

Joseph Smith, and his two counselors, his brother Hyrum and 
Sidney Rigdon, had been released from jail in Richmond, Mis- 
souri, and were again at the head of the Church, and directing 
the energies of the brethren. It was the policy of Joseph Smith 
to hold the city lots in Nauvoo at a high price, so as to draw 
money from the rich, but not so high as to prevent the poor from 
obtaining homes. The poor who lost all their property in follow- 
ing the Church, were presented with a lot free, in the center of 

109 



110 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

the city. The Prophet told them not to sell their lots for less 
than $800 to $1,000, but to sell for that when offered, then they 
could take a cheaper lot in the outskirts of the city, and have 
the money to fix up comfortably. All classes, Jews and Gen- 
tiles, were allowed to settle there, one man's money was as good 
as another. No restrictions were then placed on the people ;. 
they had the right to trade with any one that suited them. All 
classes attended meetings, dances, theatres, and other gather- 
ings, and were permitted to eat and drink together. The out- 
siders were invited to join in all of our amusements. Ball was a 
favorite sport with the men, and the Prophet frequently took a 
band in the sport. He appeared to treat all men alike, ancl 
never condemned a man until he had given him a fair trial ta 
learn what was in him. 

Among the first things done was the laying of the foundation 
of the Temple. When this was done each man was required to 
do one day's work in every ten days, in quarrjdng rock or doing 
other work for the Temple. A company was sent up the Mis- 
sissippi River to the Pineries to get out lumber for the Temple 
and other public buildings. The money for city lots went into 
the Church treasury to purchase materials for the Temple, 
which could not be supplied by the Saints' own labor. 

At the conference in April, 1840, the Prophet delivered a 
lengthy address upon the history and condition of the Saints. 
He reminded the brethren that all had suffered alike for the sake 
of the gospel. The rich and the poor had been brought to a 
common level by persecution; that many of the brethren were 
owing debts that they had been forced to contract in order to 
get out of Missouri alive. He considered it was unchristian-like 
for the brethren to demand the payment of such debts ; that he 
did not wish to screen any one from the just payment of hi& 
debts, but he did think that it would be for the glory of the 
kingdom if the people would, of their own will, freely forgive 
each other for all their existing indebtedness, one to the other, 
then renew their covenants with Almighty God and with each 
other; refrain from evil, ^iid live their religion; by this means, 
God's Holy Spirit would support and bless the people. The 
people were then asked if they were in favor of thus bringing 
about the year of jubilee. All that felt so inclined were asked 
to make it known by raising their hands ; every hand in the 
audience was raised. The Prophet then declared all debts of the 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. HI 

Sftints, to and from each other, forgiven and wiped out. He 
then gave tlie following words of advice to the people : "I wish 
you all to know that because you were justified in taking prop- 
erty from your enemies while engaged in war in Missouri, 
which was needed to support you, there is now a different con- 
dition of things existing. We are no longer at war, and you 
must stop stealing. When the right time comes we will go in 
force and take the whole State of Missouri. It belongs to us as 
our inheritance ; but I want no more petty stealing. A man that 
will steal petty articles from his enemies, will, when occasion 
offers, steal from his brethren too. Now I command you that you 
that have stolen, must steal no more. I ask all the brethren to 
now renew tlieir covenants and start anew to live their reli- 
gion. If you will do this, and you will forgive my faults, I will 
forgive you your past sins." The vote was taken on this prop- 
osition, and resulted in the unanimous decision of the people 
to act as requested by the Prophet. 

He then continued, saying that he never professed to be a 
perfect man. Said he, "I have my failings and passions to 
contend with the same as the greatest stranger to God has. I 
am tempted the same as you are, my brethren. I am not infal- 
lible. All men are subject to temptation, but they are not justi- 
fied in yielding to their passions and sinful natures. There is a 
constant warfare between the two natures of man. This is the 
warfare of the Saints. It is written that the Lord would have a 
tried people — a people that would be tried as gold is tried by 
the fire, even seven times tried and purified from the dross of 
unrighteousness. The chances of all men for salvation are equal. 
True, some hav6 greater capacity than others, yet the chances 
for improving our minds and subduing our passions by denying 
ourselves of all unrighteousness and cultivating the principles of 
purity are all the same ; they are within the reach of every man ; 
all have their free agency ; all can lay hold of the promises of 
eternal life, if they will only be faithful and comply with God's 
will and obey the priesthood in these last days. Never betray 
any one, for God hates a traitor, and so do I," said the 
Prophet. Then he said, "Stand by each other; never desert a 
friend, especially in the hour of trouble. Remember that our 
reward consists in doing good acts and not in long prayers 
like the Scribes and Pharisees of old, who prayed to be seen of 
men. Never mind what men think of you, if your hearts are 



112 M0BM0MI8M UNVEILED. 

right before God. Ik is written, ' Do unto others as you would 
that others should do unto you.' The first commandment is, 
' Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, mind and 
strength.' The second commandment is, 'Thou shalt love thy 
neighbor as thyself.' Upon these two hang all the law and the 
prophets." To more deeply impress these truths upon the minds 
of his people, the Prophet gave them an account of the man who 
fell among thieves and was relieved by the stranger, and he also 
taught us from the Scriptures, as well as by the revelations that 
he had received from God, that it is humane acts and deeds of 
kindness, justice and words of truth, that are accounted to man 
for righteousness ; that prayers made to be heard by men, and 
hypocritical groans, are displeasing to God. The Prophet 
talked to us plainly, and fully instructed us in our duty and gave 
the long-faced hypocrites such a lecture that much good was 
done. I had at that time learned to dread a religious fanatic, 
and I was pleased to hear the Prophet lay down the law to them. 
A fanatic is always dangerous, but a religious fanatic is to be 
dreaded by all men — there is no reason in one of them. I can- 
not understand how men will blindly follow fanatical teachers. 
I always demanded a reason for my belief, and hope I will never 
become a victim of fanaticism. 

During the summer of 1840 I built a house and such other 
buildings as I required on my lot on Warsaw street, and was 
again able to say I had a home. 

The brethren were formed into military companies, that year, 
in Nauvoo. Col. A. P. Rockwood was drill master. Rock- 
wood was then a Captain, but was afterwards promoted to Col- 
onel of the Militia or Host of Israel. I was then fourth corporal 
of a company. The people were regularly drilled and taught 
military tactics, so that they would be ready to act when the 
time came for returning to Jackson County, the promised land of 
our inheritance. Most of my wife's relatives came to Nauvoo 
that year, and settled near my house. 

In 1841 I was sent on a mission through Illinois, Kentucky 
and Tennessee. I also visited portions of Arkansas. I traveled 
in company, on that mission, with Elder Franklin Edwards. I 
was then timid about speaking in towns or cities. I felt that I 
had not sufficient experience to justify me in doing so. My 
comrade had less experience than I had, and the worst of it, 
he would not study to improve his mind or permit me to study 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 113 

in quiet. He was negligent, and did not pay sufficient attention 
to secret prayer, to obtain that nearness to God that is so nec- 
essary'' for a minister to have if he expects his worlvs to be 
blessed with Divine favor. I told him he must do better, or go 
home. He promised to do better ; also agreed that he would do 
the begging for food and lodging, and 1 might do the preaching. 
I accepted the offer, and in this way we got along well and 
pleasantly for some time. 

At the crossing of the Forkadeer Hiver we staid over night 
with the ferryman, and were well entertained. When we left 
the ferry, the old gentleman told us that we would be in a set- 
tlement of Methodist people that evening, and that they were 
set in their notions, and hated Mormons as bad as the Church 
of England hated the Methodists, and if we got food or shelter 
amongst them, he would be mistaken. He said for us to begin 
to ask for lodging by at least an hour by sun, or we would not 
get it. In the after part of the day we remembered the advice 
of the morning and stopped at every house. The houses were 
about half a mile apart. We were refused at every house. 
The night came on dark and storm}^, the rain fell in torrents, 
while heavy peals of thunder and bright flashes of lightning- 
were constant, or seemed so to me. The timber was very heavy, 
making the night appear darker than it would otherwise have 
been. The road was badly cut up with heavy freight teams pass- 
ing over it, and the holes were full of water. We fell into many 
holes of mud and water, and were soon well soaked. About ten 
o'clock we called at the house of a Methodist class leader, 
and asked him for lodging and food. He asked who we were. 
We told him that we were Mormon preachers. As soon as he 
heard the name Mormon, he became enraged, and said no 
Mormon could stay in his house. We started on. Soon after- 
wards we heard him making efforts to set his dogs on us. The 
dogs came running and barking, as a pack of hounds always do. 
Brother Edwards was much frightened, but I told him not to be 
scared, I would protect him. So when the dogs came near us 
I commenced to clap my hands and shouted like tlie fox was 
just ahead of us ; this caused the whole pack of dogs to rush on 
and leave us in safety. In this way we escaped injury from the 
pack of ten or more dogs that the Methodist had put on our 
trail. The next house we came to we were again refused shel- 
ter or food. I asked for permission to sit under his porch until 
8 



114 MOB3fONISM UNVEILED. 

the rain stopped. " No " said he, "if you were not Mormons, 
I would gladly entertain you, but as you are Mormons I dare 
not permit you to stop around me." This made twenty-one 
houses that we had stopped at and asked for lodging, and at 
each place had been refused, simply because we were Mormons. 
About midnight my partner grew very sick of his contract to do 
the begging, and was resolved to die before he would ask for 
aid from such people again. I told him I would have both food 
and lodging at the next place we stopped. He said it was use- 
less to make the attempt, and I confess that the numerous re- 
fusals we had met with were calculated to dishearten many a 
person, but I had faith in God. I had never yet gone to Him 
in an humble and penitent manner without receiving strength 
to support me, nor had he ever sent me empty-handed from Him. 
My trust was in God, and I advanced to the next house confi- 
dent that I would not ask in vain. As we approached the 
house we discovered that some negroes were having a dance. I 
asked where their master was ; they pointed out the house to 
me. We walked to the house, and up on the porch. The door 
was standing open, a candle was burning, and near the fire a 
-woman was sitting holding a sick child on her lap. The man 
was also sitting near the fire. Our footsteps attracted their at- 
tention ; our appearance was not inviting as we stood there wet, 
muddy and very tired. I spoke in a loud voice, saying, *' Sir, 
I beseech you, in the name of Jesus Christ, to entertain us as 
servants of the living God. We are ministers of the gospel, 
we travel without purse or scrip ; we preach without hire, and 
are now without money ; we are wet, weary and hungry ; we 
want refreshments, rest and shelter." The man sprang to his 
feet, but did not say a word. His wife said, "Tell them to 
come in." I said, "We will do you no harm, we are friends, 
not enemies." We were invited in. Servants were called, a 
good fire was made and a warm supper placed before us. After 
eating we were shown to a good bed. We slept until near ten 
o'clock in the morning. When we did awaken, our clothes 
were clean and dry, and a good breakfast was ready and wait- 
ing for us. In fact, we were as well treated as it was possible 
to ask for. 

This family had lately come from the State of Virginia, in- 
tending to try that climate for a year, and then if they liked it, 
they intended to purchase land and stay there permanently. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE 115 

After breakfast, the gentleman said, "You had a severe time of 
it amongst the Christians yesterday and last night. As you are 
ministers, sent out to convert sinners, you cannot do better than 
to preach to these Christians, and seek to convert them." He 
offered to send word all over the settlement, and notify the peo- 
ple, if we would only stay there and preach that night. We ac- 
cepted his offer, and remained that day ; thus securing the rest 
that we so much needed, and thanking God for still remembering 
and caring for us. His servants. 

Agreeably to arrangements, previously made, we preached in 
the Methodist meeting-house, to a very attentive audience, upon 
the subject of the first principles of the gospel ; alluded to the 
treatment of Christ and his followers by the Pharisees and Sad- 
ducees, the religious sects of those days, and that we preached 
the same gospel, and fared but little better. This meeting- 
house was built on the line between the Methodists and Univer- 
salists. Members from both persuasions were present. Our 
neighbor, who fed and cared for us, leaned to the latter faith. 
At the close of our remarks, the class-leader, who had set the 
hounds on our track, was the first to the stand to invite us home 
with him. 

I told him that the claims of those who did not set their dogs 
on us, after they had turned us from their doo^rs hungry, were 
first with me — that his claims with me were an after considera- 
tion. He said it was his negro bo3^s that sent the hounds after 
us, but he would not be bluffed. He said that one of us had to 
go with him — that if I would not go Frank must go. I told 
liim that Elder Edwards could use his own pleasure, but I 
would hold a meeting that night with those Universalist breth- 
ren, and thus we parted. Elder Edwards went to spend the 
,night with the class-leader, and attended the meeting with the 
friends who had invited him home with them. I had a good 
time. Of their own accord they made up a collection of a few 
•dollars, as a token of their regard for me. I was to meet Elder 
Edwards at the house of my friend, who took us in at midnight 
from the storm, by an hour by sun, to start on ; but he did not 
put in his appearance for an hour or more. When he got with- 
in talking distance I saw by his features that he had been rough- 
ly dealt with. His first words were, '' That is the wickedest old 
man that I ever met with, and if he don't repent God will curse 
him." That was enough, and I began to laugh. I conceived 



116 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

what he had to encounter the long night before. He said, " II 
the Lord will forgive me for going this time I will never go 
again, without you are along." I said to him, "Frank, experi- 
ence teaches a dear school, yet fools will not learn at any other. 
I knew^ what treatment you would receive, and refused to go with 
him. If you had been a wise man you would have taken the 
hint and kept away from him." 

We made our way through to Overton County, Tennessee. 
Here I advised my friend Edwards to return back to Nauvoo, 
and gave him money to pay his fare on a steamer, as he was cut 
out for anything but a preacher. 

At Carlisle, the county seat of Overton County, I met with a 
young man, an elder, by the name of Dwight Webster. Though 
but little experienced, he was a man of steady habits and an 
agreeable companion. We held a number of meetings together 
in this part of the country. Webster and Moses had been com- 
panions together, and met with much opposition. Webster and 
I baptized several persons, and made a true friend of a wealthy 
merchant, named Armstrong, who welcomed us to his house and 
placed us under his protection. He also owned a large estab- 
lishment in Louisville, Kentucky. He was an infidel, though an 
honorable and high-minded gentleman. His wife Nancy, and her 
sister Sarah, were both baptized. 

While here I received a letter from James Pace, one of my 
near neighbors in Nauvoo, requesting me to visit his brother, 
William Pace, and his relatives in Rutherford County, Tenn. 
Elder A. O. Smoot and Dr. David Lewis succeeded us in this 
county and in Jackson Count}', Tenn., and added many ta 
those whom we had already baptized. We made our way 
through to Stone River, preaching by the way, as opportunity 
occurred. Here I handed my letter of introduction to William 
Pace, brother of my neighbor James Pace, who received us very 
kindly and procured us the liberty of holding forth in the Camp- 
bellite Chapel. Here we were informed that the Campbellite 
preachers were heavy on debate, that none of the other sects- 
could stand before them, and that they dare not meet them in 
public or private discussion. I replied that my trust was in God, 
that the message I had to bear was from Heaven — that if it 
would not bear the scrutiny of man I did not want to stand by it, 
but if it was of God, He would not suffer His servants to be con- 
founded, if they were only honorable and trusted in him. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 117 

Truth is mighty and will prevail ; Error cannot stand before 
Truth. If these men can overthrow the gospel which I preach, 
the sooner they do it the better for me. I do not wish to de- 
ceive any one, or to deceive m3^self. If any one can point out 
an error in the gospel which I preach, I am willing to drop that 
error, and exchange it for truth. 

The hour came, we both spoke. We spoke on the first prin- 
ciples of the gospel of Christ, as taught by the Saviour and his 
apostles. Before sitting down I extended the courtesy to any 
gentleman that wished, to reply or offer any remarks either for 
or against what we had set forth. Parson Hall, the presiding 
Campbellite minister, was on his feet in a moment and denounced 
us as impostors. He said we were holding forth a theory that 
was fulfilled in Christ ; that the canon of Scripture being full, 
these spiritual gifts that were spoken of in the New Testament 
were done away with, being no longer necessary ; that as for the 
"Golden Bible" (Book of Mormon), that was absurd in the 
extreme, as there were to be no other books or revelations 
granted. He quoted the revelations of St. John in his support, 
where it reads, "He that addeth to, or diminisheth from the 
words of the prophecies and this Book, shall have the plagues 
herein written added to his torment," or words to that effect. 
I followed him in the discussion, and quoted John where it 
reads, "He that speaketh not according to the law and the tes- 
timony hath no light in him." I said that my authority and 
testimony were from the Bible, the book of the law of the Lord, 
which all Christian believers hold as a sacred rule of their faith 
and practice. To that authority I hoped my worthy friend 
would not object. I illustrated my position by further quota- 
tions from the Scriptures, and when our meeting was over the 
people flocked around us in a mass, to shake hands with us and 
invite us to their houses — the Methodists, Baptists and Presby- 
terians especially. The planters in this county were mostl}^ 
wealthy, and prided themselves on being hospitable and kind to 
strangers, especially to ministers of the gospel. We went from 
house to house and preached from two to three times a week. 
We saw that the seed had already been sown in honest hearts 
and we were near to them. Knowing the danger of being 
lifted up by self- approbation, I determined to be on my 
guard, to attend to secret prayer, and reading and keeping 



118 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

dianVs. When at onr friend Pace's house we would fre- 
quently resort to a lonely grove to attend to prayer and 
lead to ourselves. 



CHAPTER IX. 

MORMONISM — ITS DOCTRIiSES, AND HOW IT ORIGINATED. 

A SHORT time after the events narrated in the preceding- 
-ll\- chapter, it was arranged that Parson Hall and myself 
should hold another discussion at the Campbellite Chapel. Par- 
son Hall did not want to meet me in the discussion, but he had 
to do so or lose his flock, as all the people had become interest- 
ed in the subject of Mormonism. 

We met at the appointed time, and chose two umpires to act a& 
moderators of the meeting. The subject to be discussed wasr 
"Are apostles, prophets, teachers, etc., together with the 
spiritual gifts spoken of, as recorded by the Apostle Mark in his- 
IGth chapter, necessary to be in the Church now as they were 
then?" I took the affirmative, the Parson the negative ; the dis- 
cussion lasted six hours. In his closing speech Parson Hall became 
very abusive and denounced the Mormons to the lowest regions 
of darkness, and the Prophet, Joseph Smith, as a vile impostor. 
I replied to him and closed the discussion. It was agreed that 
the Old and New Testaments should be the only authorities to 
be quoted by us. The umpires refused to decide who had the 
best of the discussion. They said it rested with the people ta 
decide for themselves. It was evident, however, that the people 
were with me. The principal topic of conversation was about 
this strange Mormon doctrine. 

Parson Hall's flock was by no means satisfied with his course. 
He said this Mormon doctrine was the strongest Bible doctrine 
^ he ever heard of, and he feared the consequences of a further 
discussion of it. But this would not satisfy the people, who 
wanted to hear and learn more of it ; so another discussion was 
agreed upon, in which Parsons Curlee and Nichols were to as- 
sist Parson Hall, and prompt him. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 119 

The subject was, " Is the Book of Mormon of Divine ori^^in, 
and has it come forth in direct fulfillment of prophecy? 
And was Joseph Smith inspired of God?'* I had the 
aflirmalive. We selected three judges ; the hall was thronged. 
I felt the responsibility of my situation, but I put my trust in 
God to give me light and utterance to the convincing of the 
honest and pure in heart. The discussion lasted many hours. I 
showed conclusively, both from the Old and New Testaments, 
that, in accordance with scripture and prophecy, the ten tribes 
of Israel had been broken up and scattered upon the face of the 
earth. That sure and indisputable evidence had been found 
and produced, by which it was certain that the tribes of North 
American Indians were descendants from the ten tribes of Israel. 
I showed that from many customs and rites, prevalent among 
the Indians, that there could be no doubt, in any rational mind, 
but that these tribes had sprung from the remnants of the scat- 
tered ten tribes of Israel. The prophecies of the Old and New 
Testaments, the traditions and history of the Indians, so far as 
known, their solemn religious rites and observances, were con- 
clusive evidence of this fact. And God has repeatedly prom- 
ised that, in His own good time, these tribes of Israel, this cho- 
sen people, should be again gathered together, that a new and 
further revelation should be given them, and to the whole world, 
and that under this new dispensation Zion should be rebuilt, 
and the glory of God should fill the whole earth, as the waters 
cover the mighty deep. 

It should be as a sealed book unto them, which men deliver to 
one that is learned, saying, " Read this book," and he saith, ''I 
cannot, for it is a sealed book." It is strange that a people, 
once so favored of God, strengthened by His arm and counseled 
by his prophets and inspired men, should haA^e so far wandered 
and become so lost to all sense of duty to God! But so it was, 
until, as the prophet says, the Book that should come unto 
them, should speak to them out of the ground — out of the dust 
of the earth; as a "familiar spirit, even out of the dust of the 
earth." The Book that was to contain the divine revelation of 
God was to come forth, written upon plates, in a language un- 
known to men." 

But a man unlearned, not by his own power, but by the pow- 
er of God, by means of the Urim and Thummim, was to trans- 
late it into our language. And this record, in due time, came 



120 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

according to God's will. It was found deposited in the side of 
a mountain, or hill, called Cumorrah, written in the reformed 
Egyptian language, in Ontario County, in the State of New 
York. It was deposited in a stone box, put together with 
cement, air tight. The soil about the box was worn away, until 
a corner of the box was visible. It was found by Joseph Smith, 
then an illiterate lad, or young man, who had been chosen of 
God as His instrument for making the same known to men. 

Joseph Smith was a young man of moral character, belonging 
to no sect, but an earnest enquirer after truth. He was not 
permitted to remove the box for a period of two years after he 
found it. The angel of God that had the records in charge, 
would not permit him to touch them. In attempting to do so, 
on one occasion, his strength was paralyzed, and the angel ap- 
peared before him and told him that that record contained the 
gospel of God, and an historical account of the God of Joseph 
on this land ; that through their transgressions the records were 
taken away from them, and hid in the earth, to come forth at 
the appointed time, when the Lord should set His heart, the 
second time, to recover the remnant of His people, scattered 
through all nations ; that the remnant of His people should be 
united with the stick of Judah, in the hands of Ephraim, and 
they should become one stick in the hands of the Lord. This 
is the Bible, which is the stick of Judah, that contamed the 
gospel and the records of the House of Israel, till the Messiah 
came. The angel further informed him that when the Ten 
Tribes of Israel were scattered, one branch went to the north ; 
that prior to the birth of Jesus Christ the other branch left Jeru- 
salem, taking the records with them, of which the Book of 
Mormon is a part. The branch of the Ten Tribes which went 
north doubtless have a record also with them. 

When these plates, containing the Book of Mormon and God's 
will, as therein revealed, were removed from Ontario County, 
New York, they were taken to Professor Anthon, of New York 
City, for translation. He replied that he could not translate 
them, that they were written in "a sealed language, unknown 
to the present age." This was just as the prophet Isaiah said it 
should be. 

Do any of the present denominations counsel with the Lord? 
No, they deny revelation, and seek to hide their ways from Him. 
Upon ail such He pronounces woe. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 121 

I do not wish to be considered as casting aspersions on any 
other sect. It is not my purpose to do so. Tje love that I 
have for truth, and the salvation of the human family, may cause 
me to offend, but if I do so it is because of my exceeding zeal 
tb do good. Remember that the reproof of a friend is better 
than the smite of an enemy. Jesus said, "Woe unto you that 
are angry and offended because of the truth." It is not pol- 
icy on your part to be offended on account of the truth. If your 
systems will not stand the scrutiny of men, how can they stand 
the test of the great Judge of both the living and the dead ? I 
place a greater value upon the salvation of my soul than I do 
upon all earthly considerations. 

After my second discussion I began to baptize some of the 
leading members of the Campbellite Church. Among the first 
to be baptized were John Thompson and wife. Thompson was 
sheriff of Rutherford County, and was an influential man. 
Among others who were baptized were Wm. Pace and wife. 
Mrs. Pace was a sister of Parson Nichols, who assisted Parson 
Hall in his last discussion with me. Major D. M. Jarratt and 
wife, Mrs. Caroline Ghiliam, Major Miles Anderson, and others, 
were also baptized and received into the Church. My friend 
Webster, after being with me about a month, returned to visit 
:and strengthen the branches of the Church established in Smith, 
Jackson and Overton Counties. I continued my labors here on 
Stone River and Creple Creek about six months. During the 
most of this time I availed myself of the opportunity of study- 
ing grammar and other EngUsh branches. During my stay I 
lectured three times a week, on Wednesdays, Saturdays and 
Sunday afternoon. Sabbath forenoon I attended the meetings 
of other denominations. During this time I held four pubUc 
discussions, in addition to those I had held with Parson Hall. 
I held two discussions with the Rev. James Trott, who had for 
fifteen years been a missionary to the Cherokee Nation. 

I held a closing debate in that settlement with the Rev. Mr. 
Cantrall, of the Campbellite faith. He came from a distance, at 
the request of friends, to endeavor to save the flock. After 
consultation with Parson Hall, and other members of the flock, 
they refused to submit to moderators or judges, neither were 
they willing to be confined to the Old and New Testaments 
for authority to disprove the doctrine that I defended. Their 
proposition was that Mr. Cantrall should speak first, bringing 



122 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

any argument he chose ; when he had finished I was to conclude 
the debate, and the people were to judge for themselves who 
had the best of the argument. My friends would not consent 
to this arrangement, but I told them th.it they could have it 
their own way, that if the Rev. Cantrall wished to condescend 
to the platform of a blackguard, that in case of necessity I 
might meet him there, though I would prefer an honorable de- 
bate to slander and ridicule. This statement I made to the as- 
sembly prior to the Rev. gentleman's mounting the stand, with 
Parsons Hall, Curlee, Trott and Nichols as prompters. 

They had provided themselves with a roll of pamphlets and 
newspapers, containing many of the low, dirty, musty, cunning, 
lying stories about Joe Smith's walking on the water, being a. 
money digger, an impostor and a thousand such stories. Mr. 
Cantrall read and emphasized each stor^^ as his prompters 
handed them to him. He occupied about two hours and a half 
in this manner, and about half an hour in trying to point out 
discrepancies in the Book of Mormon. He spoke of the ab- 
surdities of the boat that the Nephites built to cross the ocean 
in, from Asia to America. That it was built tight, excepting a 
little hole on top, for air, and that it would shoot through the 
water like a fish, and ridiculed such an absurdity. He defied 
me to produce any such inconsistencies in the Holy Bible. He 
said the Bible was a book of common sense, written by men in- 
spired of God. It was full of good works, and only pure char- 
acters, and nothing like the impostor Joe Smith. He challenged 
me again to point out a single instance in the Bible which would 
compare with the stories in the Book of Mormon. The idea of 
apostles and prophets and supernatural gifts in the Church, as 
it was in the days of Christ, was absurd. That the History of 
Nephi was absurd and a burlesque upon common sense. 
That he hoped none of the people would be led away by such 
nonsense and folly. I sat facing him during all his long har- 
angue of abuse and ridicule. When it came my turn ta 
speak, I asked the reverend gentleman to occupy my seat, that 
I did not want more than thirty minutes to reply. I said to the 
assembly that a sense of duty to the truth, and to the cause I 
had espoused, alone prompted me to make any reply to the long 
tirade of abuse and sarcasm they had been listening to. The 
gentleman and his prompters had gathered quite an angry-look- 
ing cloud of pamphlets and newspaper slang and abuse, which 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 123 

culminated in a tornado of bolts of thunder, taperino; off ^vith 
wind, blixen and chinck-a-pin bushes, without quoting a single 
passage of scripture to disprove my position, or in support of 
tlieir own. But on the contrary, he had become an accuser of 
the brethren, speaking evil of things he knew not. The spirit of 
persecution, hatred and malice is not the spirit of the meek and 
lowly Saviour. The gentleman tells you that the day of perfec- 
tion has arrived, that Satan is bound in the gospel chain, that we 
have no need of spiritual manifestations, that this is the reign of 
Christ. Now, I will say if this is the millennial reign of Christ, 
and the devil is bound in the gospel chain, I pity the inhabitants 
of the earth when he gets loose again. After reading the de- 
scription of the millennial reign, as it shall be, as described by 
the prophet Isaiah, can any one be so stupid as to believe that 
we are now living in that eventful day? Shame on a man who 
w^ould deceive and tamper with the souls of men ! The gentle- 
man who has told you this don't believe it. 

The gentleman has challenged me to produce anything from 
the Bible equaling in strangeness the building of a boat like a 
fish, in which the Nephites crossed the ocean from Asia to 
America. I call his attention to the first chapter of the Book of 
Jonah. Here a very strange craft was used for three days and 
nights, in which to send a missionary to Nineveh. This craft 
was constructed after the manner of the boat spoken of in the 
Book of Mormon. If the prophet was correct in the description 
of his craft, he too scooted through the water in the same way 
that the Nephites did in their boat. The Book of Mormon is 
nothing more or less than a book containing the history of a por- 
tion of the House of Israel, who left Jerusalem about the time of 
the reign of Zedekiah, King of Judah, and crossed the ocean to 
America; containing also the gospel which was preached to 
them on this continent, which is the same gospel as that preach- 
ed by Christ and his Apostles at Jerusalem. The Bible and the 
Book of Mormon both contain a history of the different branches 
of the House of Israel, and each contains the gospel of Christ as 
it was preached unto them, the different branches of the house 
of Israel, and to all nations. Both testify of each other, and 
point with exactness to the dispensation of the fullness of time. 
The Book of Mormon does not contain a new gospel; it is the 
same gospel as that preached by Christ. That it is a mysterious 
book, is just what the prophet said it should be, "a marvelous- 



124 MOBMOmSJI UNVEILED. 

work, a wonder." But my Mend says that it is too mysterious, 
too wonderful for human credence, and challenges me to point 
out anything told in the Bible that seems incon^ 'stent with rea- 
son or our experience. Now, which is the most reasonable, 
that Nephi built a boat after the pattern mentioned in the Mor- 
mon Bible, directed by God how to build it, and crossed the 
ocean to this continent, or that Jonah was in the whale's belly 
for three days and three nights, and then made a safe landing? 
Or would it sound any better if Nephi had said that when he and 
his company came to the great waters, that the Lord had pre- 
pared great whales, two or more, to receive them and their out- 
tit, and set them OA^er on this side by that means? Nothing is 
impossible with God. If He saw fit to send Jonah on his mission 
in a whale's belly, I have no fault to find with Him for so doing. 
He has the right to do His own will and pleasure ; and if he in- 
structed Nephi how to fashion his boat, or Noah to build an ark 
against the deluge ; or to cause Baalam's ass to speak and rebuke 
the madness of his master ; or caused Moses to lead the children 
of Israel through the Red Sea, without any boat at all ; or caused 
the walls of Jericho to fall to the ground, and the people to be- 
come paralyzed through the tooting of rams' horns ; or empower- 
ed Joshua to cause the sun to stand still while he slaughtered his 
enemies ; is any one of these things more wonderful than the 
other? Now any one of these instances that I have selected 
from the Bible, if found in the Book of Mormon, would be suf- 
ficient to stamp it with absurdity and everlasting contempt, ac- 
cording to argument of the gentlemen who oppose me ; but 
when found in the Bible the story assumes another phase entire- 
ly. It is as the Saviour said of the Pharisees, " Ye strain at a 
gnat and swallow a camel." My opponent strains at a gnat, 
when found in the Book of Mormon, but if camels are found in 
the Bible he could swallow them by the herd. I cannot see 
why a big story, told in the Bible, should be believed any more 
readily than if found in the Book of Mormon. It is not my pur- 
pose to find discrepancies in the characters of the ancient proph- 
ets or inspired wriiers, but my opponent has challenged me 
to produce from the Bible a character of such disrepute as that 
of Joe Smith, the Mormon Prophet. Now I will say that of the 
characters that I shall mention, we have only their own history 
or account of what they did. Their enemies and cotemporaries 
have long since passed away. But if their enemies could speak 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 125 

worse of them than they have of themselves, decency would 
blush to read their history. I will refer to only a few instances. 
Moses, the meek, as he is called, murdered an Eoyptian that 
strove with an Israelite, and had to run away from his country 
for the offence. He was afterwards sent by God to bring the 
Israelites out of bondage. 

Noah was a preacher of righteousness. He built the ark, and 
was saved through the deluge. His name has been handed down 
from posterity to posterity, in honorable remembrance, as one 
who feared God and worked righteousness. But we find him 
soon after the flood getting drunk, exposing his nakedness, and 
cursing a portion of his own posterity. Lot, whose family was 
the only God-fearing family in Sodom and Gomorrah, res- 
cued by the angel of God from the judgments that over- 
whelmed those cities, when only a short distance from Sodom 
became drunk and debauched his daugliters. 

Think of the conduct of David with Uriah's wife, and David 
was, we are told, a man after God's own heart. Also Judah, 
Judge in Israel. Peter cursed and swore and denied his Mas- 
ter. The enemies of Christ said he was a gluttonous man and a 
wine bibber ; a friend of publicans and sinners ; that after the 
people at the marriage feast were well drunken, that he turned 
water into wine that they might have more to drink ; that in the 
corn fields he plucked the ears of corn and ate them ; that he saw 
an ass hitched, and without leave he took it and rode into Jeru- 
salem ; that he went into the Temple and overset the tables of 
the money changers and took cords and whaled them out, tell- 
ing them they had made his Father's house a den of thieves. I 
am aware that all Christians justify the acts of Christ, because 
he was the Son of God. But the people at that time did not 
believe him to be the Son of God, any more than the gentleman 
does that Joseph Smith was the Prophet of God. I have alluded 
to these instances merely in refutation of the challenge imposed 
upon me by my opponent. 

But few seem to comprehend that man, in and of himself, is 
frail, weak, needy and dependent, although the Creator placed 
within his reach, as a free agent, good and evil, and has placed 
in the heart of every rational being a degree of light that makes 
us sensitive and teaches us right from wrong. As the Saviour 
says, ''There is a light that lighteth every man that cometh into- 
the world." 



126 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

I have been obliged to abbreviate m}^ argument very much, 
lest I tire my readers. I had scarcely closed speaking before 
my Reverend opponents were making for the door. They would 
have nothins: more to do with the Mormon. Some were honest 
enough to acknowledge that Mormonism, as it was called, would 
stand the test ; that it could not be disproved from the Bible, 
and that sooner or later all other creeds would have to give way 
to it, or deny the Bible, for the more it was investigated the 
more popular it would become, as it would expose the many 
weak points and inconsistences of the different denominations. 
Others denounced it as an imposition, and warned their adher- 
ents to have nothing to do with it. This kind of talk from the 
pulpit only served to give Mormonism a new impetus. I soon 
baptized many converts, and organized branches in that and ad- 
joining counties of over one hundred members. 



CHAPTER X. 

LEE CASTS OUT DEVILS AND DOES OTHER WONDERFUL WORKS. 

A SHORT time after holding the discussion mentioned in the 
preceding chapter. Dr. A. Young, of Jackson County, 
Tenn., came to me and wished me to go with him, and join in a 
discussion with a couple of Campbellite preachers. At first I 
d (-lined, as the distance was nearly one hundred miles, and my 
labors in the ministry where I then was were pressing. I had 
more calls to preach than I could fill. 

Dr. A. Young was made a bishop, and A. O. Smoot, a con- 
cert, was made an elder in the Church. 

I finally consented to go and attend the discussion. On our 
arrival at the place agreed upon, I learned that all necessary ar- 
rangements had been made. The subject was, "Is the Book of 
Mormon of Divine authenticity, and has it come forth in direct 
fulfillment of prophecy, found in the Old and New Testaments, 
and is Joseph Smith Divinely inspired and called of God ? " We 
had the affirmative. There was a large concourse of people as- 
sembled. The discussion lasted two davs. At the close of the 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 127 

debate the judge decided that the Mormons brought forth the 
strongest reasonings and scriptural arguments, but that the 
other side had the best of the Mormons in sarcasm and abuse. 

When I was about to leave Dr. Young exchanged horses with 
me, he keeping my pony, and giving me a very fine blooded 
black mare. I was then built up, so far as a orood out-fit for 
traveling was concerned. Dr. Young traveled with me as far as 
Indian Creek, Putnam County, twenty-five miles south-east, as 
report said that a couple of Mormons had been " raising h — 1" 
there, to use their own words. So we concluded to visit the 
place and learn the facts. This was about the first of March. 
It was on Saturday that we arrived there. We rode at once to 
the Methodist Chapel. Here we found several hundred people 
assembled — the most distressed and horrified looking worship- 
ers my eyes ever beheld. Their countenances and actions 
evinced an inward torture of agony. Some of them were lying 
in a swoon, apparently lifeless ; others were barking like dogs ; 
some singing, praying and speaking in tongues, their eyes red 
and distorted with excitement. 

The chapel was situated in a yard surrounded with trees. I 
was so overcome with amazement and surprise that I had forgot- 
ten that I was on horseback. The first that I remember was that 
a man had led my horse inside the gate and was putting me off, 
saying, "Come, get down, you are a Mormon preacher; we are 
having fine times." I objected, but walked to the south end of 
the chapel, instead of going inside. A chair was set for me by 
some rational person, and I leaned my headnpon my hands and 
commenced praying. I was a stranger, both to the people and 
to their religious exercises. I was puzzled, not knowing what to 
do in the situation. I saw a young woman, about eighteen j^ears 
of age, of handsome form and features, in her stocking feet, her 
handsome block hair hanging down over her shoulders in a con- 
fused mass. She was preaching what she called Mormonism, 
and warning the multitude to repent and be baptized, and escape 
the wrath of God. In front of her stood a 3'oung Methodist 
minister, to whom she directed her remarks. He smiled at her. 
All of a sudden she changed her tack, and belted him right and 
left for making light of what she said. The next moment she con- 
fronted me, and said, "You are a preacher of the true Church, 
and I love you!" Thus saying, she sprang at me to embrace 
me with open arms. I stretched forth my hand and rebuked the 



12S MOBMONISM UNVEILED, 

evil spirit that was in her, and commanded it to depart in the 
name of the Lord Jesus, by virtue of the holy priesthood in me 
vested. At this rebuke she quailed, and turned away from me 
like a whipped child, and left the crowd and went home, ashamed 
of her conduct. 

This occurrence gave me confidence in God, and in Him I put 
my trust still more than I had ever done before. It was now 
about sunset and we had had no refreshment since morning. I 
arose and informed the multitude that we would preach at that 
place on the morrow at ten o'clock. A merchant by the name 
of Marshbanks invited us home with him, some of the leading- 
men accompanying us. They informed us that a couple of men, 
brothers, from West Tennessee, named William and Alfred 
Young, formerly members of the Baptist Church, who had joined 
the Mormons, had been there and preached ; that they enjoyed 
spiritual gifts as the apostles anciently did, and had baptized the 
people into that faith, and had ordained John Young, Receiver 
of the Land Office there, a preacher ; that he was an intelligent, 
well-educated man, but was now a fanatic, and many of their 
leading men were ruined and business prostrate, and all through 
that impostor, Joe Smith. They said he ought to be hung be- 
fore he did any more harm; that their settlement was being 
ruined and all business stopped ; that if any one would give John 
Young, or Mark Young, his father, who was formerly a Meth- 
odist class leader, their hand, or let them breathe in their face, 
he could not resist them, but would come under the same influ- 
ence and join them. I told them that I bad been a member 
of this Church for a number of years and had never seen or 
heard of anything of this kind. 

The next morning, about day break, those two fanatics were 
at Marshbanks' house. They said they had a glorious time 
through the night, and had made a number of converts. I be- 
gan to reason with them from the scriptures, but as soon as I 
came in contact with their folly, they began to whistle and dance, 
and jumped on to their horses and left. 

Sometime after, on our way to the chapel, my friend Marsh- 
banks indulged in a great deal of abuse of Joe Smith. He 
told me that I could not be heard among the fanatics at the 
chapel, and that I had better return to his house and hold a 
meeting there. 

I said to him, " In the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, 1 will 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 129 

preach there to-day, and not a dog will raise his voice against 
me, and you shall bear witness to it." He replied, '' Very well. 
I will go with you and try and keep order." As we entered the 
chapel, the same scene of confusion prevailed that we observed 
the day before. Some were stretched on the floor, frothing at 
the mouth, apparently in the agonies of death. Others were 
prophesying, talking in tongues, singing, shouting and praying. 
I walked into the pulpit as a man having authority, and said, 
" In the name of Jesus Christ, and b}^ virtue and authority of 
the Holy Priesthood invested in me, I command these evil 
spirits that are tormenting you, to be still, while I lay before 
you the words of life and salvation." As I spoke every eye 
was turned upon me and silence reigned ; the evil spirits were 
subdued and made powerless. There were two Presbyterian 
ministers there who asked leave to take notes of my sermon, 
which I freel3^ granted, telling them further that they were at 
liberty to correct me if in anything I spoke not according to 
the Law and Testimony of Christ. 

I preached a plain sermon on the first principles of the gos- 
pel of Christ, as taught by the apostles. I showed to them that 
the house of God was a house of order, and not confusion ; 
that the Spirit of God brings peace, joy, light and complete 
harmony. The testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy, 
and every person who has the Spirit of Jesus has the spirit of 
prophecy, and should and would do the will of Heaven ; that 
one may have a gift of prophecy, another of tongues, another of 
interpretation — but let one speak at a time ; that this fanaticism 
which they had witnessed during the last few days was not to be 
fathered upon Joseph Smith or upon the Mormons ; that we had 
no affinit}^ for such a religion, and that we discarded it as from 
beneath and not from God. Before I dismissed the meeting I 
asked my Presbyterian friends if they wished to reply to me. 
They said they did not ; that they were much pleased with my 
remarks, and that they were scriptural and reasonable. 

I then concluded to return to the Branch at Rutherford 
County, and continue my labors there. A delegation came to 
me from the Assembly and said, "Mr. Lee, your discourse to- 
day has turned us up side down. You have convinced many of us 
that we are going astray. Do not, for mercy's sake, leave us in 
this situation. We are persuaded that many are honest-hearted 
and will obey the truth." I replied, " My mission is to preach 
9 



130 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

the truth, to call erring children of men to repentance." I ap- 
pointed a meeting, and preached that evening at the house of 
David Young, a brother of Mark Young, the Methodist class- 
leader, to a large body of inquiring minds. The following day 
we preached at the side of a clear running brook. After the 
preaching manj^ demanded to be baptized. I went down into 
the water and baptized twenty-eight persons, among whom were 
two well educated young men. One was a nephew of Gov. 
Carlin, of Illinois ; the other was F. McCoUough, now a Bishop 
at Alpine City, Utah. 

Most of the leading families of Putnam County were convert- 
ed, and I organized them into a Branch, and remained with them 
about ten da3's, teaching and instructing them, the better to es- 
tablish them upon the true basis of order and equity, and to 
guard them against those fanatical influences that had been ruin- 
ing the people of this neighborhood. 

Elder Samuel B. Frost had been laboring in DeKalb County, 
East Tennessee, where he had baptized about thirty converts. 
As he passed on his return to Nauvoo, I sent for him to tarry 
with me a few days, and assist me, as Dr. Young had returned 
iiome. Such of the people who had been under the power of 
-the spirit of darkness became alarmed, and dared not trust 
themselves away from us. We fasted and prayed three days 
&xidi three nights, pleading with the Father, in the name of the 
Son, to give us power over those evil spirits. 

And here I will say that up to the time of my witnessing what 
I have here narrated, I was skeptical on the subject of our pow- 
er over evil spirits. I had heard of such manifestations, but 
iiad never seen them with my own e3^es before. M}^ experience 
liere impressed me deeply, that we could attain such power, and 
showed me the stern necessity of living near to God, for man, in 
and^bf himself, is nothing but a tool for the tempter to play 
with. 

As I said, the people durst not trust themselves away from 
us. One time we were in a large room, at Mark Young's house. 
I was sitting by a desk writing in my diary. Adolphus Young, 
the chairman of the delegation which had waited on me and 
requested me to remain with them and set them right, was walk- 
in o- too and fro across the room. As he came near me I noticed 
that his countenance changed, and as he turned from me he 
cast a fearful glance at me. I kept my eyes upon him as he 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 131 

walked away from me. When near the centre of the room he 
wilted down and exclaimed, "Oh! God, have mercy on me." 
"Without a word spoken, Elder Frost and myself sprang to him. 
Laying my hands upon him I commanded the evil spirits, by 
virtue of the Holy Priesthood, and in the name of Jesus Christ, 
to come out of him. As I spoke these words I felt as if a thou- 
sand darts had penetrated my mouth, throat and breast. My 
blood ran cold in my veins ; my pi use stopped beating ; in a 
word, I was terror-stricken. I saw a legion of evil spirits in the 
vision of my mind. And what was still more, they had fastened 
their fangs in me and I was about to give up the contest, when 
another influence came to my relief, and said to my spirit: 
*' Why yield to the powers of darkness? You hold the keys over 
those evil spirits. They should be subject to your bidding in 
the name of Jesus, through faith." This last comforting influ- 
ence relieved my fears, strengthened my faith, and gave me 
power to overcome the evil spirits. I was not more than a 
minute or two in this situation, but during that time I endured 
more agony, torture, and pain than I ever did in the same time 
before or since. 

This may seem to be a fabulous story to my readers, many of 
whom will, no doubt, attribute it to fanaticism; nevertheless it 
is true. The man was restored, and bore record of the power 
of God to his deliverance, and was to the day of his death an 
honorable, good citizen. 

I was never considered a long-faced preacher. During my stay 
here I added to this branch of the Church until it was more than 
fifty members stroBg. My friend. Elder Frost, agreed to wait in 
Overton County until I could re-visit the branch in Rutherford 
County, and set things in order there. Then I was to accom- 
pany him home to our families in Nauvoo, the Cit}^ of Joseph. 

I ordained William Pace to the ofiice of the lesser priesthood, 
to take charge of the Saints there. We also ordained Adolphus 
Young to preside over the branch at Indian Creek, Putnam 
County. After calling on Dr. A. Y''oung, I joined m}' friend, 
Elder Frost, and drove to Nauvoo for him six jacks and jennets 
to exchange for land, that he might have a place to come to. 
We had a pleasant journey to Nauvoo, as the weather was fine. 
On arriving in the city I met my family, all in good health. I 
traded some of my stock with Hyrum Smith, the Prophet's 
brother, for land. 



132 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

It was now June, 1842. In the summer and fall I built me a 
snus:, two-story brick house on Warsaw street, and made my 
family quite comfortable. I enclosed my ground and fixed 
things snug and nice. I then took a tour down through Illinois. 
H. B. Jacobs accompanied me as a fellow companion on the 
way. Jacobs was bragging about his wife and two children, 
what a true, virtuous, lovely woman she was. He almost wor- 
shiped her. But little did he think that, in his absence, she- 
was sealed to the Prophet Joseph, and was his wife. 

We raised up quite a branch of the Church in Clinton County.. 
Among others whom we baptized, were the Free sisters, Louisa 
and Emeline ; also the Nelsons. Emeline Free was afterward 
sealed to Brigham Young, and her sister Louisa to myself. 
She is now Daniel H. Wells' first wife. 

I also visited my relatives in Randolph County, the home of 
my youthful days. Here I baptized my cousin EUza Conners,. 
with whom I had been raised. I also baptized Esther Hall, the 
sister of my old friend Samuel Hall, with whom I lived when I 
was first married. I was kindly received in my own county. 

But few, however, cared to investigate the principles of Mor- 
monism, as the most of them were Catholics. In all my travels 
I was agent for our paper, the Nauvoo Neighbor^ and collected 
means, tithings and donations for the building of the Temple. 
From here I returned home by steamboat. 

Through the winter Joseph Smith selected forty men for a 
city guard, from the old tried veterans of the cause. I was the 
seventh man chosen. These men were also the life-guard of the 
Prophet and Patriarch and of the twelve Apostles. My station 
as a guard was at the Prophet's mansion, during his life, and 
after his death my post was changed to the residence of Brigham 
Young, he being the acknowledged successor of the Prophet. 
From the time I was appointed until we started across the plains, 
when at home I stood guard every night, and much' of the time 
on the road, one-half of the night at a time, in rain, hail, snow, 
wind and cold, to nourish, protect and guard, and give strength 
to the man that has proven to be the most treacherous, ungrateful 
villain on earth. In return for all of my faithfulness and fidelity 
to him and the cause that he taught, he has wantonly sacrificed 
me, in a dastardly and treacherous manner. But I must not think 
or reflect too much upon so frail a being. He has contracted 
the debt himself, and sooner or later must atone for his own 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 133 

•sins. "Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord, and I will repay." 
Such a base, vile, inhuman wretch, cannot long escape justice. 
However, I intend to speak more fully of this depraved man at 
the proper time and place in this narrative. 



CHAPTER XI. 

A TENNESSEE PLANTER MAKES IT HOT FOR PARSON LEE. 

DURING the winter of 1841, a letter was sent to the Prophet 
from the leading men and members of the branch church 
on Stone River, Tennessee, and Cripple Creek, Rutherford 
County, Tennessee, desiring him to send me back to labor in 
that country, as there was a wide field for preaching there. 

They stated that I had so ingratiated myself among the people 
that no other man could command the influence and re- 
spect to do good that I could among them. This was enough. 
In the latter part of February I took leave of my family and 
entered upon my mission. 

To refuse to comply with the call of the Prophet is a bad 
omen. A man so doing is looked upon with distrust, renders 
himself unpopular, and is considered a man not to be depended 
upon. At the time I started the river was blocked with ice. 
I traveled on foot, without purse or scrip, like the apostles of 
old, carrying out the motto of the Church, the bee of the desert, 
" Leave the hive empty-handed and return laden." In this way 
I, as well as many other elders, brought in money, thousands of 
dollars, yearly to the Church, and I might say many hundreds 
of thousands, as the people among whom I traveled were mostly 
wealthy, and when they first received the love of the truth their 
hearts as well as their purses were opened, and they would pour 
out their" treasures into the lap of the Bishop. All were taught 
that a liberal man deviseth liberal things, and by his liberality 
shall he live, and that he that soweth liberally shall reap bounti- 
fully, etc. 

As I passed along my way, I strengthened the brethren of the 
-various branches, reminding them of their duties, especially of 
the necessity of building the Temple. That duty was more im- 



134 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

portant than all others, for in that alone, when completed, they 
could attain to the highest exaltation of the Priesthood, together 
with all the spiritual gifts that belong thereto. When I arrived 
at my old home, the place of my childish days, I found Elder 
John Twist, who was waiting my arrival. We staid in that 
neighborhood a few days, and then started on again. My uncle 
was going on our way with a wagon for about one hundred 
miles, and we accompanied him. I passed through Kaskaskia, 
where I was born, but did not preach there, for my uncle was in 
a huny to reach the point of his destination in Jackson County, 
where he was establishing a wood yard on the Mississippi River. 
Here we intended to take a steamer for Nashville, but no- 
steamer would take us on board at the landing, for it was a bad 
one to bring boats up to. While staying at that place we- 
preached to the people, and made our home with Mr. V. Hutche- 
son, and his sister Sarah, where we were treated very kindly. 
Finally a flat-boat came in sight. We hailed it and went aboard. 
We were soon on good terms with the Captain and crew, and 
went with them to Memphis, Tennessee. At this place the 
Captain of the flat-boat sold out his cargo, and then off'ered to- 
pay our fare on a steamer from Memphis to Nashville. While 
we were in Memphis, General William Henry Harrison, then a. 
candidate for President, arrived, and a great political meeting 
of the Whig party was held in the open air. After my friend 
Wm. Springer, the Captain of the flat-boat, had sold his cargo 
and received his money, he invited my friend Twist and myself 
to go with him to a saloon. There were quite a number of men 
in the saloon, fiddling, eating, drinking and otherwise enjoying 
themselves. Captain Springer was not used to drinking. He 
soon got mellow, felt rich, and commenced throwing his money 
around in a careless manner. The saloon-keeper was a man 
with an eye to business, and was particularly interested in friend 
Springer. He treated him often and insisted on his drinking. 
I tried to get Springer to go to his boat, and took him by the 
arm and started off with him, when one of the crowd told me 
not to be so officious, that the man knew his own business and 
was capable of attending to it. I said nothing to him in reply, 
but I sent Twist in haste to the boat for the crew to come at 
once before Springer was robbed of his money. They came, 
but not any too soon for his benefit, as a row had commenced, 
■with the design of going through him while it was going on. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 135 

When the crew came, I started for the boat with Springer, 
the crew keeping back the crowd of drunken robbers. By 
actincr in this way we saved him and his money too. Twist and 
myself refused all kinds of drinks that night. We were there- 
fore sober and in good condition to protect the man who had 
favored us and been our friend. Next morning Springer wished 
to reward us, but we refused to let him do so. 

I told him w^e had done nothing but our duty. We parted 
with him and his crew, and took passage in a new steamer that 
was owned in Nashville, and was then making its first trip from 
Nashville to New Orleans. The boat got into a race with the 
Eclypse, another fine boat. The Captain was a fine man. The 
crew were all negroes. One of the firemen on our boat took 
sick, and was unable to do his work. I saw that the Eclypse 
was crowding us closely. I threw off" my coat and took the ne- 
gro's place as fireman. I saw a barrel of resin near by; I 
broke the head in with an ax and piled the resin in the fire. 
This soon had its effect, and our boat soon left the Eclypse far in 
the rear. The steamers parted at the mouth of the Ohio. The 
Captain was so well pleased with my work that he gave Elder 
Twist and myself a free passage. 

When we reached Nashville Elder Twist became homesick and 
left me, and returned to Nauvoo. I gave him $10 to pay his 
way home. I was thus left alone once more. I found the 
Branch at Nashville in a healthy condition, and much pleased to 
have me with them. I then visited the Branch in Putnam 
County, and preached to them, advising all to go to Nauvoo. I 
added several new members to the Church. By the next Spring 
that entire Branch had gone to Nauvoo. The Branch on Stone 
River also went to Nauvoo soon after I returned home. A dele- 
gation, headed by Captain John H. Redd, came to invite me to 
go and preach in the settlement where Captain Redd lived. 
They said I could not preach publicly, for my life would be in 
danger, as many of the citizens were very hostile to the Mor- 
mons and had run one man out of the neighborhood for practic- 
ing Mormonism, and Randolph Alexander had been run off for 
preaching Mormonism. Captain Redd was formerly a sea cap- 
tain and a native of South Carolina. I told the delegation I 
would preach, provided they gave general publicity to my ap- 
pointment. They were startled at the proposal, and said my life 
■would not be safe a moment if I undertook to preach in public. 



136 3I0BM0NISM UNVEILED. 

I told them to trust that to me. They returned home and gave 
general notice of when and where I would preach. At the ap- 
pointed time I started for the place of meeting, which was 
twenty miles from Murfreesborough. I was met by a guard of 
ten men, headed by Captain Redd, who came to meet and pro- 
tect me. The next day I preached to a large number of peo- 
ple. I spoke two hours to them, upon the subject of our free 
institutions and the constitutional rights of American citizens. 
I told them who I was and what I was ; that I was a free Amer- 
ican citizen ; that I claimed the right of free speech as a free 
man ; that I held myself open for investigation ; that if the peo- 
ple wished me to set forth the tenents of our faith I would do so, 
otherwise I would leave ; that if they did not desire to hear the 
truth they could make it manifest and I would leave their coun- 
try. The vote was unanimous for me to tarry and preach to 
them. I preached there twice. My first sermon was upon the 
apostasy of the churches of the day and the necessity of a purer 
gospel, proving what I said by the Scriptures. I then followed 
up with the origin and authenticity of the Book of Mormon. 

I was then induced to continue my sermons. I staid there 
and continued to do my Master's will. After the fourth sermon 
I commenced to baptize members. The first one that I bap- 
tized at that place was Parson John Holt, of the Christian faith. 
Then I baptized seven of the members of his church ; then Cap- 
tain Redd and his family. This unexpected success of the gos- 
pel created great excitement in that section of country. About 
ten miles from there lived two men, lieutenants in the militia 
company of Captain Bogardus, of Missouri fame and disgrace. 
These men had strayed into this section of the country, and 
were employed by two wealthy farmers, and were acting as over- 
seers. They told fearful stories about the Mormons in Missouri, 
and gathered up a mob of about twenty-five men and came with 
them, determined to tar and feather me if I preached again. 
Word reached the settlement of what was intended. The people 
came to me to ask what they should do. I told them to wait 
and let me manage the affair. The next day, Sunday, while I 
was preaching, one of the lieutenants, by the name of Dickey, 
made his appearance with ten men. He informed me of his de- 
sign, and that I must quit preaching and leave for other parts of 
the country. "Not just yet," said I. At this he and his men 
made a rush for me. As they started the women next to the 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. I37 

stand formed a circle around me. While thus surrounded I 
continued my sermon. I refuted the absurd stories of Dickey 
and his crew, and I then told the people there what I knew had 
been done at Far West by Lieut. Dickey and the members of 
Captain Bogardus' company. The mob tore down my stand, 
but could not get at me. Then they retired to consult. Cap- 
tain J. H. Redd then appointed a meeting to be held at his 
place that afternoon, and he told the people that he did not want 
any person to come into his yard unless they came intending to 
behave ; that if there was any violence used there some one 
would get hurt. I preached at his house that afternoon. A 
fearful storm raged during most of the time, but this was fortu- 
nate, for it kept the mob away. While I was preaching a 
■drunken wag interrupted me and called me a d — d liar. Cap- 
tain Redd was sitting near me with two large pistols, which he 
called his peace-makers. This insult was not more than out of 
the fellow's mouth when Captain Redd caught him by the neck 
and rushed him out of the house into the rain. The coward 
begged hard for himself, but he was forced to go out and sit 
under a porch during the rest of the sermon. Captain Redd was 
a kind-hearted, generous man, but would not stand abuse. The 
next Sunday was a cloudy day, so the meeting was held within 
doors. Dickey had by this time raised his mob to about fifty 
men, and had made every arrangement to give me a warm recep- 
tion. Two men who were intoxicated were selected to start the 
■disturbance, or "open the ball," as they called it. I had just 
commenced speaking, when one of these men began to swear and 
use indecent language, and made a rush for me with his fist 
drawn. I at once made a Masonic sign of distress, when, to my 
relief and yet to my surprise, a planter rushed to my aid. He 
was the man who employed Dickey. He took the drunken men 
and led them out of the crowd, and sat by me during the rest of 
my sermon, thus giving me full protection. That man was a 
stranger to me, but he was a good man and a true Mason. His 
action put an end to mob rule at that place. After the meeting 
I baptized some ten persons. 

Soon afterwards I was sent for by Col. Tucker, of Duck 
Creek, Marshall Co., to come there, a distance of thirty miles. 
I attended, and delivered three lectures, which were well receiv- 
ed by all, the Colonel in particular. He was a wealthy Virginian, 
and pressed me warmly to make his house my home. His wife 



138 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

and family were favorably impressed. They were of the Pres- 
byterian order, and two of her brothers were ministers of that 
faith. I remained here a few days, and left an appointment to 
preach on the following Saturday and Sunday. Before leaving 
I let the Colonel's lady have books on our faith, and returned ta 
fill some appointments that I had made at Capt. Redd's. At the 
appointed time I returned to fill my appointments on Buckskin 
River. 

Within half a mile of Col. Tucker's house was a Methodist 
chapel. At this place lived a New Light preacher, an old man, 
who invited me to stop with him. He informed me that Col. 
Tucker had become bitter against the Mormons on account of 
his wife believing in them, and that she wanted to be baptized. 
She had left word with him requesting me not to leave without 
baptizing her. This was something that I wished to avoid, sO' 
to prevent trouble I concluded not to go to Col. Tucker's at all. 
I filled my appointments, and returned to my Christian friend's 
house for refreshments, intending to make my way over the 
mountains that night, and thus avoid meeting Mrs. Tucker. I 
had just finished supper, and stepped to the door to start back, 
when I met Mrs. Tucker. She upbraided me for not calling to 
see her. I said to her that it was contrary to the rules of our 
faith for an elder to interfere in any man's family against the 
wish or will of the husband or parents ; that she should keep 
quiet and the Lord would take the will for the deed. The more 
I tried to reconcile her, the more determined she became to be 
baptized. While I was talking with her a young man came to 
us and reported that Col. Tucker had ambushed himself, with a 
double-barreled shot-gun, near the place of baptizing, swearing- 
vengence against the man that attempted to baptize his wife. 

I was in hopes to persuade her to return, but in vain. She 
said to me, '* You have declared 3'our mission is from Heaven, 
that you are a servant of God, and I believe it. Now I demand 
baptism at joxxv hands. If you are a servant of God, don't 
shrink from your duty." 

I looked at her for a moment, and said, "Woman, if you 
have faith enough to be baptized under these circumstances, I 
have faith enough to try it at least." Some ten personal friends 
who lived in the little village accompained us to the water, a 
short distance above the usual place of baptizing, and attended 
during tiie performance of the ordinance. They advised her to 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. I39 

return home immediately, with her two servants, and never let 
on as tliough anything had happened. We started to return to 
the house of my friend, carrying my boots in m}^ hand. It was 
now dark. As I got to the top of a high fence, and cast my 
e3'es about me, I luckily saw a man near me in the rear, with 
a double-barreled shot-gun in liis hands, or what I supposed 
was such. He was within ten steps of me, or nearer. I at 
once recognized him to be Col. Tucker. Having heard of 
his threats, I was induced not to tempt him too far. I placed 
my hands on the fence and sprang over it, alighting on the 
other side, near a cross-fence which separated the garden from 
a field of corn, to avoid a collision with him. As quick as 
thought I got on the opposite side of the fence, among the corn, 
which was at full height. I was within twenty feet of Tucker 
and could hear all that was said. I heard him rave, draw 
his shot-gun down, and demand with oaths what they were 
doing there. Had the}^ been baptizing his wife? I recognized 
the voice of the Parson's lad}'- with whom I was stopping. 
She had the wet clothes of Mrs. Tucker. 

"Tell me," demanded Tucker, '' if my wife has been baptized, 
or I will blow your brains out." The reply was, " She has been 
baptized." "Where is that infernal Mormon preacher?" de- 
manded the Colonel; "I will put a load of shot through him." 
"He is in that corn field," was the reply. The Colonel then raved 
the more. Finally some of his friends persuaded him to return 
home, and not disgrace himself. He pretended to do so, but it 
was only a feint to get me out, I feared. After waiting until all 
was quiet, I returned to the house of my friend, and passed 
through the door and went out on the porch. I sat down and 
was slipping off my socks, to put on dry ones, when I heard a 
rustling in the room behind me. The next moment Col. Tucker 
had his gun leveled on me, and it flashed. He then whirled the 
butt of it to fell me to the earth. Seeing my danger I sprang 
and caught him around the waist, with one of his arms in my 
grasp, which left him with only one arm loose. He said, "I 
have you now, d — n you, where I want you." He was a strong, 
muscular man, and, no doubt, supposed I would be no match 
for him. I ordered a young man that stood near by, to take 
his gun. I then gripped him with an iron hug, and sent him 
back into the room. The old gentleman with whom I was stop- 
ping, ordered him out of the house unless he would behave him- 



140 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

self. He said he had invited me to his house, and felt that it 
was his duty to protect me. The Colonel replied that he would 
go if he could, that he never knew before that when he was in 
the hands of a Mormon, he was in a bear's clutches. I said, ''I 
will take you out if it will accommodate you." Thus saying, 
I stepped out on the porch with him. I saw that he was willing 
to go. This gave me new courage. He said, "D — n you, let 
me go or I will blow your brains out when I get loose." I re- 
plied, ''There is but one condition on which I will let you go, 
and that is that you will go home and be quiet and trouble me 
no more." He replied, " D — n you, I will settle with you for all 
this." I felt that a man who would treat a stranger as he had 
me, could not have the moral courage to back him in so shame- 
ful an act as the one he was engaged in. This was in the month 
of July, and it was very warm. I had hugged him closely, and 
he was growing weak. He said again, " Let me go, I am getting 
faint. I will be still if you will let go of me, and I will make it 
hot for 3'Ou if you don't let me go." As he said this I renewed 
my grip upon him, and raising him up, said, "You have tried to 
take my life without cause, and still persist in doing so. If you 
don't behave I will throw you out of sight on this hard ground." 
I said this with an emphasis as though I meant it. As I was, 
as he supposed, in the act of dashing him to the ground, he 
begged of me, saying that if I would let him loose, he would go 
and trouble me no more. I let him fall to the ground, and 
handed him his gun, and let him live. When he got a little dis- 
tance away he began threatening me, and said he would be re- 
venged. After all had quieted down I retired to rest in the up- 
per story of my friend's house. 

About one o'clock in the morning I was awakened by the 
voice of a female, which I recognized as the voice of Mrs. 
Tucker, in company with two or three other ladies. She inform- 
ed me that her husband was bent on my destruction, and that 
he and ten men were way laying my road, and advised me not 
to start in that direction ; that her husband had accused her of 
wetting the wads in his gun to save my life ; but for me to be of 
good cheer and put my trust in God, and that she had not re- 
gretted the steps she had taken. I thanked her for her kindness, 
and told her that I wished her to return home and not come to 
see me any more ; that I was in the hands of God and He 
would protect me and deliver me safe ; that her visits to me 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 141 

would only make her husband more enraged at her. They 
retired, and I fell asleep. 

At four o'clock I awoke, dressed myself, and ordered the ser- 
vant to saddle my horse. As the servant hitched my horse to 
the post, Tucker and several men appeared upon the ground. 
Tucker told the servant that he would cut him in two if he sad- 
dled my horse. I spoke to Tucker kindly, saluting him with 
the time of day. His reply was, '' I have got you now, 
cl — n you." Thus saying, he ordered his nephew to bring 
Esquire Walls immediately. After washing, I took my seat on 
the porch, and took out my Bible to read. Tucker stood about 
ten steps from me to guard me and my horse. My old friend, 
the New Light preacher, with whom I was lodging, had a fine 
horse saddled for me and hitched on the south side of the corn- 
field. He advised me to pass down through the corn-field while 
I could do so without being detected, and thus get away out of 
the county before a warrant could be issued for my arrest. 
Deliverance was very tempting, yet I did not like the name of 
running away from trouble. It would convey the impression of 
fear, if not guilt, to most casual observers. So I chose to face 
the music and abide the consequences. 

A Uttle after sunrise I saw Justice Walls coming, and some 
fifty men with him. At this my heart leaped for joy. Among so 
many I was satisfied all were not against me, as many of them 
had attended lectures and were favorably impressed with them. 
After a short interview with Col. Tucker, Justice Walls informed 
me that Col. Tucker demanded from him a warrant for my 
arrest, for having baptized his wife without his consent. I asked 
Col. Tucker if he ever forbid me^to baptize his wife; if he did 
not invite me to his house and invite me to stop there when I 
returned ; that I had not seen him, after this conversation, until 
after his wife was baptized. That I had not urged her to be 
bnp'iz^'d ; that she came to me and demanded to be baptized. I 
told the Justice that I had violated no law of Tennessee. 
The law allows a wife much greater privileges than being bap- 
tized without the consent of her husband ; that she could sell 
one-third of his real estate, and her deed would be good. The 
Justice said I was right, and told the Colonel it would be use- 
less to issue a warrant without just cause. The Colonel then 
demanded a warrant for my arrest for assault and battery. He 
said I had abused his person, and that he was sore all over and 



142 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

scarcely able to walk. The Justice told the Colonel that it 
seemed to him that he was the one who had made the assault ; 
that he snapped a loaded gun at me and had attempted to take 
my life, and that what I had done was in self-defense. He told 
Colonel Tucker he would talk with him again. 

He then beckoned to me to follow him, and I did so. We went 
into a room by ourselves, when he said to me, " Parson Lee, 
3'ou have many warm friends here. I have been very much in- 
terested in your lectures. I believe you to be honest and firm 
in your faith, -and I will do all I can for you. Colonel Tucker is 
a desperate man when aroused. As a matter of policy, to 
humor him, I will give him a writ, but I will manage to delay 
the time to enable you. to get out of the county. I will send 
for my law books, with instructions to delay in getting them 
here, and will argue with the Colonel that I must have my books 
here to examine the law. It is only four miles to the county 
line, when you will be all right. Then take the trail over the 
mountain, and they will not know which way you have gone. 
When you get into your county remember me on election day. 
This county and Rutherford County send three members to the 
Legislature. I am a candidate, and the vote of your friends in 
these counties will secure my election. When I send for my 
books you appear and bid us good-bye, as though you were not 
afraid of any man. Colonel Tucker has promised me he will 
use no violence if I will give him a writ." The Justice then 
gave me a token of the Brotherhood, and then walked out to 
confer with Colonel Tucker, and sent his nephew back for his 
books, instructing him to delay in getting them, so as to give 
me time to get out of the county, before an officer could over- 
take me. He told the Colonel to keep cool and he would soon 
have a writ for me. 

I went into the dining-room and sat down to breakfast, and 
ate a little as a blind. Then taking up my saddle-bags, bade 
them all good-bye. 

I walked to my horse, that stood hitched where the servant 
had left him. As I left the house Justice Walls followed me as 
though he was very much surprised, and said, "Parson Lee, I 
hope you will tarry until this matter can be settled amicably." 
I told him that I had viola' ed no law, that my ministerial engage- 
ments compelled me to leave, and that I should have done so 
before had not this unpleasant affair detained me ; that I chose 



LIFE OF JOHN B, LEE. I43 

to serve God rather than fear the ire of man. Thus sayino-, I 
placed my saddle upon my horse. Colonel Tucker leveled his gun 
on me, and said, "D — n you, I knew you would run." I 
turned and eyed him and told liim to put up his gun ; that I had 
borne all I intended to from him ; that if he attempted violence 
he would never trouble anotiier man. At the same time the 
Justice told him to be careful, that he had made himself liable 
already. I mouted my horse and turned to the Colonel and 
told him he might guard that wood-pile until the day of judg- 
ment, for all that I cared. He again raised his gun, but was 
prevented by the bystanders from shooting. I rode off leisurely, 
and when about seventy-five yards away I stopped and watered 
my horse. Tucker again drew his gun on me, and I expected 
him to shoot every moment, but I durst not show fear. My 
road lay along the mountain for some two miles. When I passed 
-a house I would walk my horse, and sing and seem to be wholly 
unconcerned, but when I was out of sight I put my horse on the 
keen jump, and was soon safe out of Marshall County and in 
Rutherford. Finding an out-of-the-way place, with good blue 
grass and plenty of shade, I got down from my horse and re- 
turned thanks to my Father in heaven for my deliverance. 

In the afternoon I arrived at the house of Capt. Redd, where 
I generally made my home. The brethren all came to welcome 
me back, and I related to them my experience and deliverance. 
A short time after this James K. Polk and Col. Jones, both can- 
didates for the office of Governor of Tennessee, and the candi- 
didates for the Legislature, including my friend Walls, met at 
Murfreesborough and held a political meeting. Walls related to 
me the sequel of what happened with Col. Tucker. When his 
nephew went for his law books he permitted his horse to get 
away, and was nearly ruined in the brush and grapevines while 
I was escaping. Col. Tucker did not blame the Justice at all, 
but rather sympathized with him in his misfortune. Mrs. Tucker 
still remained firm in her faith. The kindness of Justice Walls 
to me in my hour of peril was not forgotten. I spoke of it in all 
my meetings, and to my friends in private. And to this act of jus- 
tice and humanity he owed his election, as he was elected by a 
majorit}^ of only five votes. 

I visited the branch on Stone River and made arran2:ements 
to return to my family at Nauvoo, the City of Joseph. The two 
branches now numbered about sixty members. I organized a 



144 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED, 

branch west of Murfreesborough, and ordained John Holt to the 
office of Elder. I baptized a j^oung girl at Readysville, by the 
name of Sarah C. WilKams, of rich parentage. Slie was about 
ten years old, and afterwards emigrated to Nauvoo, with the 
family of Wm. Pace. She was sealed to me in her fourteenth 
year, and is still with me. She is the mother of twelve childreny 
and has been a true, faithful companion to me. I lectured at 
Murfreesborough for about ten days, and about the first of Octo- 
ber, 1843, I took the steamer at Nashville for my home at Nau- 
voo, arriving there on the 14th of October. 



CHAPTER XII. 

MATTERS OF PECULIAR INTEREST AT NAUVOO. 

Upon my return home I found my fainily well. Work on the 
Temple was progressing finely, and every effort was being made 
to push it ahead. About this time John C. Bennett came on a 
visit to see the Prophet, and soon after joined the Church. At 
that time he wielded quite an influence in government affairs. He 
grew in the graces of the Prophet and became his right-hand 
man. He endeavored, in connection with Stephen A. Douglass, 
to obtain a charter for the City of Nauvoo. Bennett organized 
the Nauvoo Legion, and was elected Major General. Through 
his influence, backed by Douglass, arms were obtained for 
the Legion from the government. A Free Mason's lodge, 
and the privileges of Masonry, were extended to the Le- 
gion. Judge Cleveland, of Springfield, 111., was very friendly, 
and frequently visited the Prophet. A fine lodge was built in 
Nauvoo, and many were admitted as members. The brothers, 
Joseph and Hyrum Smith, held high positions in the brother- 
hood. I here became a member of the order and received three 
degrees. 

The institution flourished during our stay in Nauvoo, and wa& 
frequently visited by the Grand Worshipful Master from Spring- 
field, and lectures were had and a library established. I was 
Librarian of the order. I was also Wharf Master of tbe city, 
and held the position of Major in the Nauvoo Legion, and com- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. I45 

manded the escort in the Fifth Infantry. I was made the gen- 
eral clerk and reader for the Seventies and issued the laws to 
that body. I held the oflice of a Seventy, and was collector 
of the delinquent military tax. The same Fall I was appointed 
on a committee, with Brigham Young as counselor, to build a 
hall for the Seventies, the upper story to be used for the Priest- 
hood and the Council of Fifty. Previous to my being appointed 
on the committee two committees had been appointed, but had 
accomplished nothing, and we commenced without a dollar. 
My plan was to build it by shares, of the value of five dollars 
each. Hyrum Smith, the Patriarch, told me that he would give 
the Patriarchal Blessing to any that labored on the foundation 
of the building. The Seventies numbered about four hundred 
and ninety men. I was to create the material. That is, I would 
watch, and when I could get a contract to take out lumber from 
the river, as rafts would land at the city, I would take common 
laboring men, and the portion of the lumber that we got for our 
pay we would pile up for the building. In this way we got all 
the lumber needed. The brick we made ourselves, and boated 
the wood to burn them and our lime from the island. 

In the month of March, 1844, we had the building up on the 
west side nearly two stories high. One day when the wall was built 
up nine feet high and forty-five feet long, and was of course 
green, a tornado came that night and blew the wall down, 
breaking columns and joists below, doing a damage of several 
thousand dollars. I was inclined to be down in the lip, but 
Brigham ^oung laughed at me, and said it was the best omen 
in the world ; it showed that the Devil was mad, and knew that 
the Seventy would receive the blessings of God in that house ; 
and as they were special witnesses to the nations of the earth, 
they would make his kingdom quake and tremble ; that when 
Noah was building the ark he was mobbed three times, but he 
persevered, and finally they said, "Let the d— d old fool 
alone, and see what he will accomplish." ''Just so with you; 
double your diligence and put her up again. If you do not you 
will lose many a blessing." 

I went to work again with as m any men as could work to ad- 
vantage. We threw the wall down flat, and commenced a new 
one, another brick thicker than the former. I borrowed fifty 
thousand brick, and made them and returned them when the 
weather was fine. By the first of May we had the Hall closed in. 
10 



146 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

I must now leave the building of the hall for other matters. 
During the winter, Joseph, the Prophet, set a man by the 
name of Sidney Hay Jacobs, to select from the Old Bible such 
scriptures as pertained to polygamy, or celestial marriage, and 
to write it in pamphlet form, and to advocate that doctrine. This 
he did as a feeler among the people, to pave the way for celes- 
tial marriage. This, like all other notions, met with opposition, 
while a few favored it. The excitement among the people be- 
came so great that the' subject was laid before the Prophet. No 
one was more opposed to it than was his brother Hyrum, who 
denounced it as from beneath. Joseph saw that it would break 
up the Church, should he sanction it, so he denounced the pam- 
phlet through the TFctsp, a newspaper published at Nauvoo, 
by E. Robinson, as a bundle of nonsense and trash. He said if 
he had known its contents he would never have permitted it to 
be published, while at the same time other confidential men 
were advocating it on their own responsibility. Joseph himself 
said on the stand, that should he reveal the will of God concern- 
ing them, that they, pointing to President W. Marks, P. P. Pratt, 
and others, would shed his blood. He urged them to surrender 
themselves to God instead of rebelling against the stepping 
stone of their exaltation. In this way he worked upon the feelings 
and minds of the people, until they feared that the anger of the 
Lord would be kindled against them, and they insisted upon 
knowing the will of Heaven concerning them. But he dared not 
proclaim it publicly, so it was taught confidentially to such as 
were strong enough in the faith to take another step. About 
the same time the doctrine of "seahng" for an eternal state was 
introduced, and the Saints were given to understand that their 
marriage relations with each other were not valid. That those 
who had solemnized the rites of matrimony had no authority of 
-Gcd to do so. That the true priesthood was taken from the 
•earth with the death of the Apostles and inspired men of God. 
That they were married to each other only by their own cove- 
nants, and that if their marriage relations had not been produc- 
tive of blessings and peace, and they felt it oppressive to remain 
together, they were at liberty to make their own choice, as much 
as if they had not been married. That it was a sin for people 
to live together, and raise or beget children, in alienation 
from each other. There should exist an affinity between 
each other, not a lustful one, as that can never cement that 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 147 

love and affection that should exist between a man and his wife. 
I will here mention that Orson Hyde and W. W. Phelps 
turned against Joseph in Missouri, and forsook him in time of 
peril and danger, and even testified against him in the courts. 
After the troubles were over, and Joseph was again in place in 
the midst of the Saints, they both wished to be restored to fel- 
lowship and standing in the Church, confessing their faults. 
Joseph laid the case before the Church, and said that if God 
could forgive them he ought to, and would do so, and give them 
another chance. With tears he moved that we would forgive 
them and receive them back into fellowship. -He then sent El- 
der O. Hyde and John E. Page to Jerusalem, and to the land of 
Palestine, to dedicate that land for the gathering of the Jews. 
Keport said that Hyde's wife, with his consent, was sealed to 
Joseph for an eternal state, but I do not assert the fact. I also 
understood that Brigham Young's wife was sealed to Joseph. 
After the death of Joseph, Brigham Young told me that Joseph's 
time on earth was short, and that the Lord allowed him privi- 
leges that we could not have. 

A difference arose between Joseph and Wm. Law, his second 
counselor, on account of Law's wife. Law said that the Proph- 
et proposed making her his wife, and she so reported to her hus- 
band. Law loved his wife and was devoted to her, as she was 
an amiable and handsome woman, and he did not feel like giv- 
ing her up to another man. He exposed the Prophet, and from 
that time became his enemy. Plis brother, Wilson Law, sided 
with him. They were Canadians, and wealthy and influential 
men. They, in connection with Foster and Higbee, who w^ere 
on the wane in the faith, established a paper at Nauvoo, called 
the Expositor^ in which they took about the same position that 
the Salt Lake Daily Tribune does. They set the Prophet up 
without mercy. They soon got after Brigham for trying to in- 
fluence Martha Brotherton to be sealed to Joseph. Her father 
found it out and helped to expose them, which made it rather 
hot for them. The next move of the Prophet and his friends 
was to get the City Council to pass an ordinance declaring the 
Expositor to be a nuisance, and also Higbee's grocery, unless 
they would close them up. 

John C. Bennett became suspected, and fears were entertained 
that he would join the faction. He was accused of selling of- 
fices in the miltary organization, to certain men who would help 



148 MOBMONISM UNVEILED, 

him win the good graces of some of the young sisters, and that 
he became intimate with Orson Pratt's wife, while Pratt was on 
a mission. That he built her a fine frame house, and lodged 
with her, and used her as his wife. Fearing that Bennett would 
assail the character of the Prophet, I brought him before the 
City Council, and had him make a statement, c ertifying that he 
knew nothing derogatory to the character of the Prophet, and 
that his behavior was that of a gentleman and a man of God. 
After this, Bennett was hauled up and dealt with, and severed 
from the Church. He said that the Prophet gave him per- 
mission to do as he had done with Mrs. Pratt. Joseph said 
Bennett was guilty of adultery, but that as a matter of policy he 
had not exposed him until after Bennett had made his statement. 

Previous to this time, the Prophet had written a letter to 
Martin Van Buren, wishing to know his views in regard to the 
grievances and wrongs of the Mormon people, should he be 
elected Pi-tsident. He replied that he beUeved their cause waa 
just, and that Congress had no right to interfere. That it was a 
State matter, and was left to the Executive. The Prophet 
addressed another letter to Wm. H. Harrison, on the same sub- 
ject. His answer was but little more satisfactory. He then 
drew up a statement of his own, of the power and poUcy of the 
Government. A convention was called, and the Prophet was 
nominated as a candidate for the Presidency. He set forth his 
views in the Nauvoo Neicjlihoi\ a newspaper formerly known 
as the Wasp. He stated that if the people would elect him 
President it would be the salvation of the nation, but if other- 
wise, the Union would soon be severed. That the two political 
parties would continue to Influence the people until it would 
end in a civil war, in which all nations would take part, and 
this nation would be broken up. At this convention, the Elders 
were assigned missions to different States. I was sent to stump 
the State of Kentucky, with ten' elders to assist me. 

Brigham Young said to me, ''You had better shut up the 
Seventies' Hall, and obey, perhaps, the last call of the Prophet." 
Things looked rather squally before I left, and but little prospect 
of growing better. I left Nauvoo on the 4th of May, 1844, 
with greater reluctance than I had on any previous mission. It 
was hard enough to preach the gospel without purse or scrip, 
but it was nothing compared to offering a man with the reputa- 
tion that Joseph Smith had, to the people as a candidate for 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 149 

the highest gift of the nation. I would a thousand times rather 
have been shut up in jail, than to have taken the trip, but I 
dared not refuse. 

About one hundred of us took the steamer Ospray, for St. 
Louis. Our mission was understood by all the passengers on 
board. I was not long waiting until the subject was brought 
up. I had made up my mind to banish all fear, and overcome 
timidity. I made the people believe that I felt highly honored 
to electioneer for a Prophet of God. That it was a privilege 
that few men enjoyed in these days. I endeavored to make my- 
self agreeable by mixing with the passengers on the steamer. 
I told them that the Prophet would lead both candidates from 
the start. There was a large crowd on the boat, and an elec- 
tion was proposed. Judges and clerks were appointed and a 
vote taken. The Prophet received a majority of seventy-five, 
out of one hundred and twenty-five votes polled. This created 
a tremendous laugh, and we kept it up till we got to St. Louis. 
Here the most of us took the steamer Mermaid. The change of 
steamers afforded me a new field of labor. Here I met a brother 
of Gen. Atchinson, one of the commanders of the militia that 
served against the Church at Far West. He became very much 
interested in me, and when we parted at Smithland, Ky., he in- 
vited me to go home with him and preach in his neighborhood. 
My destination being Frankfort, I could not accept his invita- 
tion. I went to Lexington, by way of Georgetown, lecturing as 
I went. I finally went to the Capital, put up at a hotel, and 
endeavored to hire the State House to speak in, but found it 
engaged. 

My funds were low, though my hotel bill was four dollars per 
day. After three days' trial I hired the Court House. The 
people said that no Mormon had ever been able to get a hearing, 
though several had attempted to do so. When evening came I 
had to light up the house and ring the bell. Elder S. B. Frost 
assisted me. Soon the hall was filled with none but juveniles, 
from ten to fifteen years of age. I understood the trick. They 
supposed I would leave, but to their surprise I arose and said I 
was glad to see them out in such great numbers ; that I knew 
they had good parents, or they would not be here ; that if they 
would take seats and be quiet we would sing them some of our 
Mormon songs. Elder Frost was a charming singer. We sang 
two or three songs. Our juvenile hearers seemed paralyzed. I 



150 MOBMONISM V^ VEILED. 

then knelt down and prayed. By this time the hall was crowded 
with men, and I begged them not to crowd my little friends out. 
I then spoke about an hour and a half upon the constitutional 
rights of American citizens. I spoke of the character of the 
Southern people ; that they were noted for their kind and gener- 
ous treatment of strangers in particular, but that I feared, 
from the treatment I had received, that I had missed my 
way in Kentucky. My sires were of Southern birth ; my father 
was a relative of the Eevolutionary Lee, of Virginia ; my uncle 
was from Lexington, Kentucky ; that I came a stranger into 
their midst, and I felt confident that the right of speech would be 
extended to us-; that we were ministers of the gospel, traveling 
without purse or scrip, dependent upon the generosity of the 
people for food and raiment, nor did we preach for hire ; that if 
they wished, we would remain there and lecture, and if it met 
the approbation of the people they could have the gospel 
preached to them without money and without price. The first 
man that spoke up was a saddler ; he said he was a poor man, 
but we w^ere welcome to his house, giving the street and num- 
ber. About twenty more responded in like manner, among them 
some of the most wealthy men of the county. We went home 
with a rich farmer, and continued our labors, having more calls 
than we could fill. We were sent for by a rich planter, who 
lived about twenty miles away. I was anxious to extend our 
labors as much as it was advisable. 

On our way to the planter's we found it diflScult to obtain 
dinner. The orthodox people did not like to associate with 
Mormons. I finally asked them to direct me to where some 
infidel or gambler lived. They wanted to know what on earth I 
wanted of them. I replied, " To get something to eat ; that 
they were too liberal-minded to turn a stranger away from their 
door. That the Saviour ate with publicans and sinners, for the 
very reason that we do, for the religious scribes and pharisees 
would not feed him." They pointed us to the next house, where 
we went and were kindly received and entertained. The gentle- 
man informed us that he belonged to no church, but that he had 
an interest in a church, and said we were welcome to preach 
there. He went and made an appointment for us to preach. 
We preached there and were received with the greatest kind- 
ness. I soon began to baptize, and calls came in on every side^ 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 151 

when the papers brought us the news of the assassination of the 
Prophet Joseph, and his brother Hyrum. 

We returned immediately to Frankfort, as I expected the 
Elders there, to learn what to do. We all retired to Maple 
Grove, on the Kentucky river, and kneeled in prayer, and asked 
the Lord to show us whether or not these reports were true. I 
was the mouth in prayer, but received nothing definite in 
answer to my prayer. I told the elders to follow their own im- 
pressions, and if they wished to do so, to return to Nauvoo. 
Each of them made his way back. I went and spent the even- 
ing with a Mr. Snow. He claimed to be a cousin of Erastus 
Snow, who was favorable to us. We spent the evening talking 
over the reported deed. The next morning, about ten o'clock, 
my mind was drawn out in prayer. I felt as though the solem- 
nity of eternity was resting upon me. A heavenly, hallowed in- 
fluence fell upon me, and continued to increase until I was elec- 
trified from head to foot. I saw a large personage enter the 
door and stand before me. His apparel was as white as the 
driven snow, and his countenance as bright as the noon-day sun. 
I felt paralyzed, and was speechless and motionless. It remain- 
ed with me but a moment, then receded back out of the door. 
This bright being's influence drew me from my chair and led me 
south about three hundred yards, into a plot of clover and blue 
grass, and stood over a persimmon tree, which afforded a pleas- 
ant shade. I fell prostrate upon my face upon the grass. While 
here I saw Joseph, the Prophet, and Hyrum his brother, the 
Patriarch, and their wounds by which they had been assassinated. 
This personage spoke to me in a soft, low voice, and said that 
the Prophet and Patriarch had sealed their testimony with their 
blood. That our mission was like that of the Apostles, and our 
garments were clear of the blood of the nation. That I should 
return to Nauvoo and wait until power was granted us from on 
high. That as the Priesthood fell upon the Apostle Peter, so 
should it rest with the twelve apostles of the Church for the pres- 
ent. And thus the vision closed, and I gradually returned 
back to m}^ native element. Rising up I looked at my watch 
and saw that I had been there an hour and a quarter. Return- 
ing to the house my friend Snow asked me if I was ill. I replied 
in the negative. He said I was very pale, that he saw my 
countenance change while I sat in my chair ; that when I went 
out of the door it seemed as though every drop of blood had 



152 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

left me, or been changed. I then told him that the reports in 
the papers were true, and the two Saints, the Prophet and the 
Patriarch, were no more. I asked him to take me to the landing, 
as I wished to take the evening packet, as my labors were done 
in this county for the present. He importuned me so hard that 
I told him what I had seen. He saddled a horse for me and 
one for himself, and we started, in company with several others, 
for the landing. When we were about to start on the steamer, 
Mr. Steele, a brother of the Captain, introduced me to the 
Captain. About eight persons demanded baptism, but I could 
not stop, but advised them to come to Nauvoo ; among them 
was my friend Snow. I had a cabin passage free. When I 
reached Nauvoo, the excitement was at the highest point. 



CHAPTER Xni. 

DEATH OF JOSEPH SMITH — SOME OF BRIGHAM YOUNG'S CRIMES. 

Joseph Smith, the Prophet, and Hyrum, his brother, were as- 
sassinated on the 24th day of June, 1844, at Carthage, 111., 
about twenty miles from Nauvoo, while under the pledged faith 
of Gov. Ford, of Illinois. Gov. Ford had promised them pro- 
tection if they would stand trial and submit to the judgment 
of the court. By his orders the Nauvoo Grays were to guard 
the jail while the prisoners awaited a trial. 

The mob was headed by WiUiams and Sharp, editors of the 
Nauvoo ISignal. When they approached the jail the guard made 
no resistance, but fell back. Stephen Markham, who had been 
to visit the prisoners an hour or so before they were killed, gave 
Joseph an Allen revolver. A part of the mob rushed up stairs, 
to the inner door of the prison, and burst it open and at- 
tempted to enter. Dr. Richards parried off the bayonets with 
his heavy cane. Joseph reached out his hand and fired off his 
six shots at the crowd, and wounded several mortally. Hyrum, 
who was trying to brace against the door, received a shot in the 
face near the nose. He said, "I am a dead man," and fell. 
John Taylor received a shot, but fortunately it struck his watch, 




DEATH OF JOSEPH SMITH. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. I53 

which saved his life. These four were in the prison. Taylor, 
however, received another shot and fell. Joseph left the door, 
sprang through the window, and cried out, " Oh, Lord, my God, is 
there no help for the widow's son!" as he sprang from the win- 
dow, pierced with several balls. The crowd then left the door 
and ran around to the windows. 

Dr. Richards covered Taylor with a straw bed. Several shots 
were fired at the bed, some of which cut his legs. Dr. Richards 
looked out of the window on the scene, and had several balls 
pass through his clothing, but received no injury. After Joseph 
fell he was set up against the well-curb and shot again. A 
young man named Boggs rolled up his sleeves, and with a knife 
attempted to cut off his head. At this instant, many of the by- 
standers report that a flash of light encircled the Prophet, and 
the man who was advancing to cut off his head fell back. They 
all seemed frightened, and fled after perpetrating the horrid 
deed. A runner was sent to Nauvoo to acquaint Governor Ford 
with what had heen done. The Governor was terror stricken, 
as it endangered his life, he being alone, without a guard, and 
at the mercy of the Mormons, had they chosen to take advantage 
of him while he was in Nauvoo. Governor Ford advised them 
to be quiet, and promised that he would see that their murderers 
should be prosecuted. He gave the Mormons a company of 
troops to go and bring their dead friends to Nauvoo. They 
were placed in rough oak plank boxes and brought to the city. 
There was great lamentation and mourning over them among the 
people. Joseph was a man dearly loved by the Saints, and 
blessed with direct revelation from God, and was an honorable, 
generous, high-minded man. The remains of the Prophet and 
his brother were laid in a sepulcher made of stone. The rough 
boards, which once enclosed them, were sawed in pieces and 
distributed among their friends, many of whom had canes made 
of the pieces, with a lock of the hair of the Prophet set in the top 
of them, and those canes are kept as sacred relics to this day. 

But I must go back and speak of the cause of their arrest. While 
I was in Kentucky the printing press and the grocery of Higbee 
«& Foster were declared nuisances, and ordered to be destroyed. 
The owners refused to comply with the decision of the City 
Council, and the Mayor ordered the press and type destroyed, 
which was done. The owner of the grocery employed John 
Eagle, a regular bully, and others, to defend it. As the police 



154 M0BM0NIS2I UNVEILED. 

entered, or attempted to enter, Eagle stood in the door and 
knocked three of them down. As the third one fell the Prophet 
struck Eagle under the ear and brought him sprawling to the 
ground. He then crossed Eagle's hands and ordered them to be 
tied, saying that he could not see his men knocked down while 
in the line of their duty, without protecting them. 

This raised the ire of those men, Higbee, Foster, and others,, 
and they got out writs for the arrest of Joseph and others, and 
laid their grievances before the Governor. Joseph, knowing the 
consequences of such a move, concluded to leave for the Rocky 
Mountains, and lay out a country where the Saints would not be 
molested. He crossed over into Iowa, with a few faithful friends- 
with him. These friends begged him to return and stand his- 
trial ; that the Lord had always delivered him, and would again. 
He told them that if he returned he would be killed, but that if 
he went away he would save his life and the Church would not 
be hurt ; that he would look out a new country for them ; that 
the Governor had also advised him to do so. These old grannies 
then accused him of cowardice, and told him that Christ had said 
he would never leave his brethren in trouble. He then asked 
them if his Emma wished him to return. They answered, "Yes." 
He then said it was all light before him, and darkness behind 
him, but he would return, though he felt like a sheep being led 
to ihe slaughter. The following day he crossed the river agaia 
to Illinois. He kissed his mother in particular, and told her 
that his time had come, and that he would seal his testimony 
with his blood. He advised his brother Hyrum not to go with 
him — that he would be a comfort to the cliurches when he, the 
Prophet, should be gone. Hyrum said, ''No, my brother, I have 
been with you in life and will be with you in death!" The 
Prophet then called Gen. Dunham and had some private talk 
with him, and started for the jail at Carthage. Dunham said 
that the Prophet requested him to take his command and am- 
bush it in a grove near Carthage, and watch the movements of 
the crowd, but Dunham dared not go contrary to 'the orders of 
the Governor. He might have gone in the night time, as he 
knew that Joseph feared treachery. 

About this time the settlements on Bear Creek and at Great 
Plains had a difficulty with the outsiders, and the settlements- 
were broken up and the settlers driven to Nauvoo. The Mor- 
mons souojht redress under the law. The sherifi" tried to sup- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 155 . 

press the riot by a posse, but could not get a posse from the 
outsiders, and he was obliged to summon them from the Mor- 
mons. This made him unpopular and endangered his life, which 
rendered him powerless. Governor Ford tried to bring to jus- 
tice those who had assaulted the Smiths, but public opinion was 
against him, and the mass of the people objected, hence nothing 
was done. Some of the leaders in the horrid deed were mem- 
bers of the Legislature, and though the disturbance was partially 
quelled, still the feeling of enmity continued to exist until the 
final breaking up of the Church. 

Every exertion was made to push forward the completion of 
the Temple at Nauvoo. 

Before proceeding further, we must learn who was to be the 
successor of the Prophet to lead the Church. It was then un- 
derstood among the Saints that .young Joseph was to succeed 
his father, and that right justly belonged to him. Joseph, the 
Prophet, had bestowed that right upon him by ordination, but 
he was too young at that time to fill the office and discharge 
its solemn duties. Some one must fill the place until he had 
grown to more mature age. Sidney Rigdon set up his claim, he 
being the second counselor to the Prophet. Pigdon had a few 
backers for his claims. A man by the name of Strong, who had 
been writing for the Prophet, set up his claim to the ofllce, by 
forging an appointment from Joseph. Time passed on until 
the whole twelve got in from their missions, and a conference 
was held, and the several claimants came forward with their 
claims. Sidney Rigdon was the first who appeared upon the 
stand. He had been considered rather in the back-ground for 
sometime previous to the death of the Prophet. He made but 
a weak claim. Strong did not file any. Just them Brigham 
Young arose and roared like a young lion, imitating the s,iy\Q 
and voice of Joseph, the Prophet. Many of the brethren de- 
clared that the}^ saw the mantle of Joseph fall upon him. I 
myself, at the time, imagined that I saw and heard a strong re- 
semblance to the Prophet in him, and felt that he was the man 
to lead us until Joseph's legal successor should grow up to 
manhood, when he should surrender the Presidency to the man 
who held the birthright. After that time, if he continued to 
claim and hold the position, he could not be considered anything 
else than an usurper, and his acts would not meet the approba- 
tion of Heaven. Hence the course of Brigham Young has been 



j[56 M0B3I0mS3I UNVEILED. 

•downward ever since. As soon as he got the reins of govern- 
ment in his hands, he swore that he would never suffer an officer 
to serve a writ on, or arrest him, as they had Joseph ; that he 
would send them across lots to h — 1, that dark and gloomy road 
whence no traveler ever returned. At that time I lived on 
Warsaw street, about one-half of a mile east of the Temple. 

He wished me to remove near to him, as I was one of the 
guards that were assigned to guard him. I had quite a comfort- 
able brick house and lot, all in fine order, on Warsaw street. He 
told me to let him have my property on Warsaw street and he 
-would buy me a house on the flat, nearer to him. I did so, and 
he bought out Samuel D. Frost, and sent him on a mission to 
Kentucky, where I had been laboring, taking his family with him. 
He had a nice little frame house. I moved into it and had it 
finished on the inside and made quite comfortable. Brigham at 
that time was living in a little log house, but was preparing 
to build a brick house. I renewed my labors on the Hall of the 
Seventies, and finished it in grand style. It was then dedicated, 
and the different quorums all had a pic-nic party in it, beginning 
with the first quorum, consisting of seventy-seven men to each 
quorum. Brigham said this hall would be a creditable building 
in London. He called upon me to organize all the young men 
into Quorums of Seventy, and keep the records for them. He 
appointed me General Clerk and Recorder of the Seventies, 
and through me were to be issued the licenses of the Quorums. 
This was to be my compensation for my services. Joseph 
Young was the senior President over all the Quorums. My 
responsibility increased daily. I was offered the position of 
senior President, I to select my six Counselors and my Quorum 
of Seventy, but I declined, as I did not want the responsibiUty. 
I held then all the offices I could fill. Having finished the hall, 
I was offered, or rather had a mission, to build Joseph Young, 
the head President of the Seventies, a neat brick dwelling. 
Calling upon the Seventies to assist me, I soon mustered all the 
help that was necessary, and made brick enough to build me a 
large dwelling house. Including my other buildings it was 
ninet}' feet front, two and a half stories high, with a good cellar. 
B}^ the middle of July, 1845, I had both houses, the one for 
Joseph Young, and the one for myself, finished, ready for paint- 
ing. During the Winter of 1844-5 a man by the name of Stan- 
ley took up a school, teaching the use of the broad-sword. At 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 157 

the expiration of his term I opened three schools, of fifty schol- 
ars each, in the same exercise. I gave thirteen lessons in each 
school, receiving two dollars from each scholar. This made me 
six hundred dollars. I received twent3^-five cents for each 
license that I issued. With these means I purchased paints and 
oils to finish my dwelling house. I became very popular among 
the Saints, and many of them donated labor and materials for my 
dwelling house. I had a handsome inclosure, with fine orchard, 
well of water, house finished and grained from top to bottom, and 
everything in the finest order. I was young, strong and athletic. 
I could drive ahead and work all day and stand guard half of 
the night, through all kinds of weather. My pay for all this 
was the honor and trust reposed in me. To guard the Presi- 
dent and leading men of the Church was considered a great and 
mighty thing, and would not be exchanged by those holding that 
office for ten dollars a night. It was considered that this would 
qualify those performing that duty for any position of honor or 
trust. In 1845 I was present at a trial, when two young men 
named Hodges were indicted and tried for murdering an old 
man and his wife. The Hodges said that Brigham Young had 
sent them to rob the old people of their money, of which they 
were supposed to have a large amount. 

When they went to rob the house they found the inmates 
ready for them, and one of them was wounded. Thinking then 
that they would be detected, they killed the old people, and 
robbed them of their money. One of the party became alarmed 
and reported on the two Hodges boys. Their older brother, Er- 
win Hodges, said that Brigham Young had gotten his brothers in 
this scrape, and that he could get them out of it, and that if he 
did not do so his (Brigham Young's) blood would atone for it. 
The same evening as Erwin was returning home, a little after 
dark, he was met by two men who had been waiting for him to 
come along. After some little conversation, as Erwin was turn- 
ino-, he was struck over the head with a police club, and then 
stabbed four times over the heart. The murderers then fled, 
supposing him to be dead. He was, however, only stunned, and 
the bleeding revived him. He ran about one hundred and fifty 
yards, and fell near Brigham Young's gate. He called for water, 
and also for Brigham to lay his hands upon him. Some person 
asked him who had done the deed. He replied he thought they 



158 M0BM0mS3I UNVEILED. 

were his friends, and expired without finishing the sentence, or 
he was afraid to tell. 

A neighbor came running to my house, knowing that Brigham 
was there, as he often came there to keep away from suspicious 
persons. I started home with Brigham, and while on the way, I 
remarked to him that it was a shocking affair. After a mo- 
ment's hesitation, he replied that it was not any worse for 
Hodges to be killed than it would have been for him (Young) to 
have his blood shed. This answer recalled to my mind the 
threat that Erwin had made during the day, at the trial of his 
brothers, who were sentenced and hung at Burlington, Iowa. 
These men who turned away from the Church were the most bit- 
ter enemies to Brigham Young, and sought every opportunity to 
entrap him. They had a list of their most private friends to en- 
snare him, and find an occasion to arrest him with a warrant. 
This caused Brigham Young to keep hidden as much as possible. 
In the meantime, his "destroying angels" were dilligently on the 
watch, and every suspicious man was closely tracked up, and no 
strategy neglected to find out his business. If they were sus- 
picious that any man wanted to serve a writ on his Honor, 
Brigham Young, they were careful never to let that man escape. 
Sometimes they would treat them with great kindness, and in 
that way decoy them to some out-of-the-way place, and '•'-save " 
them, as they called it. They were not only on the track of 
officers, but all suspected characters who might come on to spy 
out what was going on; for instance, the consecrating of the 
stock of their enemies, by the Saints, and driving it in at night 
and butchering it, and distributing it among their friends. 
Joseph Smith in his life-time said that a man who would steal 
from a Gentile, would steal from his brother if he could not steal 
from any one else ; that he deprecated this petty thieving, and 
that the Saints should wait until the proper time, and then steal 
back the whole State of Missouri and get their homes back with 
interest. I knew of several men who were put out of the way in 
this manner, though I never saw any of them killed. Besides 
there were enough willing tools to do all this kind of dirty jobs 
without me, though it was entrusted to the police to do, they 
being sworn to secrecy. If any of them was caught in a scrape, 
it was the duty of the rest to unite and swear him out. It was 
claimed that the Gentiles had no right to administer an oath. 
I have heard men say they would swear a house full of lies to 



LIFE OF JOHN t). LEE. 15^ 

save one of the bretbren. Whatever the police were ordered to 
do, they were to do and ask no questions. Whether it was 
right or wrong mattered not to them, they were responsible only 
to their leaders, and they were amenable only to God. I was a 
confidant among them, and they let me into the secret of all they 
did, and they looked to me to speak a good word for them with 
Brigham, as they were ambitious to please him and obtain his 
blessing. I knew that I was in their full confidence, and the 
captain of the police never asked me to do anything he knew I 
was averse to doing. Under Brigham Young, Hosea Stout was 
Chief of Police They showed me where they buried a man in 
a lot near the Masonic Hall. They said they got him tight and 
were joking with him while some men were digging his grave. 
They asked him to go with them into a pit of corn, saying it 
was fully grown. They told him they had a jug of whiskey 
cached out there. They led him to his grave, and told him to 
get down there, and hand up the jug, and he should have the 
first drink. As he bent over to get down, Rosswell Stevens 
struck him with his police cane on the back of the head and 
dropped him. They then tightened a cord around his neck to 
shut off his wind, and then they covered him up, and set the hill 
of corn back on his grave to cover up any tracks that might lead 
to his discovery. 

Another man they took in a boat, about two o'clock at night, 
for a ride. When out in the channel of the river, the man who 
sat behind him struck him upon the head and stunned him. 
They then tied a rope around his neck and a stone to the other 
end of the rope, and sent him to the bottom of Mississippi 
River. There was another man whose name I have forgotten, who 
was a great annoyance to the Saints at Nauvoo. He generally 
brought a party with him when he came to the city, and could 
threaten them with the law, but he always managed to get away 
safely. They (the Saints) finally concluded to entrust his case 
to Howard Egan, a policeman, who was thought to be pretty 
long headed. He took a party of chosen men, or "destroying 
angels," and went to La Harp, a town near the residence of this 
man, and watched an opportunity when he would pass along. 
They ''saved" him, and buried him in a wash-out at night. In 
a short time afterwards, a thunder storm washed the earth away 
and exposed the remains. They also told me of an attempt to rob 
an old man and one son who lived on the Bear River. Ebenezer 



160 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED, 

Richardson, an old tried veteran and policeman, had chai'ge of 
this mission. Four of them went near the residence of the old 
folks. Two of them went to the house to get lodgings and re- 
freshments. The old gentleman told them that he was not pre- 
pared to entertain them, and directed them to a neighbor who 
lived a mile away. They insisted upon stopping, and said they 
were weary and would lie down upon their blankets. The fact, 
was that the old man was suspicious of them and utterly re- 
fused to keep them. They then went away and counseled over 
the matter, and concluded to wait until they were all asleep^ 
then burst in the door before they could have time to resist. 
The old man and his son being sure that they had come for 
the purpose of robbing them, had expected, and were waiting 
for their return. Each of them had a gun. Richardson and his 
party waited until about midnight, when they slipped carefully 
to the house and listened. All was still. Then Richardson and 
another man burst in the door. As the robbers were in the act 
of entering the house, the old man and his son both fired. 
Richardson's arm was broken just below the elbow; the other 
man received a slight wound. The reception was rather hot 
and they backed water and were glad to get away. Richardson 
wore a cloak to conceal his broken arm. The matter was kept 
a profound secret. 

I was in Brigham Young's office about this time. His brother 
Joseph, and quite a number of others were present, when Brig- 
ham raised his hand and said, " I swear by the eternal Heavens 
that I have unsheathed my sword, and I will never return it until 
the blood of the Prophet Joseph and Hyrum, and those who 
were slain in Missouri, is avenged. This whole nation is guilty 
of shedding their blood, by assenting to the deed, and holding 
its peace." "Now," said he, "betray me, any of you who 
dare to do so!" Furthermore, every one who had passed 
through their endowments, in the Temple, were placed under 
the most sacred obligations to avenge the blood of the Prophet, 
whenever an opportunity offered, and to teach their children to 
do the same, thus making the entire Mormon people sworn and 
avowed enemies of the American nation. 

They teach the rising generation to look upon every Gentile 
or outsider, as their enemy, and never to suffer one of their 
number to be sentenced by a Gentile court. They have even 
gone so far as to teach them not to allow a Gentile Judge ta 




':i!ii:i::-iii?|i|i« 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 16 X 

hano^ a Mormon dog. That they have no right to come into this 
Territory, and to sit in judgment upon the Saints. That the 
Saints are to judge the world instead of the officers of the world 
judging them. I once thought that I never could be induced to 
occupy the position that I now do, to expose the wickedness 
and corruption of the man whom I once looked upon as my 
spiritual guide, as I then considered Brigham Young to be. 
Nothing could have compelled me to this course save an honest 
sense of the duty I owe myself, my God, the people at large, 
and my brethren and sisters who are treading the downward 
path that will lead them to irretrievable ruin, unless they retrace 
their steps and throw off the yoke of the tyrant, who has long 
usurped the right of rule that justly belongs to the son of 
Joseph, the Prophet. I have been driven to the wall by circum- 
stances beyond my control, and have been forced to resort to 
the first law of nature, self-protection. Perhaps this has served 
to open my ej^es to a sense of duty. I confess I have been 
deeply steeped in fanaticism, even more so than I was aware of, 
until I felt the bitter pangs of its direful influence upon me. 

I heard Mother Smith, the mother of Joseph the Prophet, 
plead with Brigham Young, with tears, not to rob young Joseph 
of his birthright, which his father, the Prophet, bestowed upon 
him previous to his death. That young Joseph was to succeed 
his father as the leader of the Church, and it was his right in the 
line of the priesthood. "I know it," replied Brigham, " don't 
worry or take any trouble. Mother Smith ; by so doing you are 
only laying the knife to the throat of the child. If it is known 
that he is the rightful successor of his father, the enemy of the 
Priesthood will seek his life. He is too young to lead this peo- 
ple now, but when he arrives at mature age he shall have his 
place. No one shall rob him of it." This conversation took 
place in the Masonic Hall at Nauvoo, in 1845. Several persons 
were then present. 

In the meantime Brigham had sought to establish himself as 
the leader of this Church. Many years, however, passed away 
before he dared assume or claim to be the rightful successor of 
Joseph, the Seer, Prophet, and Revelator to the Church. When 
the time came, according to his own words, for Joseph to re- 
ceive his own, Joseph came, but Brigham received him not. He 
said, as an excuse, that Joseph had not the true spirit. That 
bis mother had married a Gentile lawyer, and had infused the 
11 



162 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

Gentile spirit into him. That Joseph denied the doctrine of his 
father, celestial marriage. Brigham closed the door and barred 
him from preaching in the Tabernacle, and raised a storm of 
persecution against him. He took Joseph's cousin, George A. 
Smith, as his first counselor. This he did as a matter of poUcy 
to prevent George A. from using his influence in favor of 
Joseph as the leader of the people, which he otherwise would 
have done. He also ordained John Smith, the son of H3a-um 
the Patriarch, to the office of Patriarch to the Church, and his 
brother Joseph F. Smith, to the office of one of the Twelve 
Apostles, thus securing their influence and telling them that had 
young Joseph been willing to act in harmony with them, the 
heads of the Church, he could have had his place, but that he 
was too much of a Gentile ever to lead this people. Brigham 
said he had some hopes that David, a brother of young Joseph, 
when he became older, might occupy the place of his father, but 
Joseph never would. In this low, cunning, intriguing way he 
blinded the eyes of the people, and gained another advantage 
over them in establishing himself and family at the head of the 
Church, as the favored of the Lord. Strange as it may appear, 
yet it is true, that many of this people are bUnd to the intrigues 
of this heartless impostor. They suffer themselves to be bound 
in fetters of bondage, and surrender the last principle of man- 
hood and independence, and make themselves slaves to that 
corrupt usurper and his profligate family, who have robbed the 
fatherless, and usurped the right to rule that belongs to another ; 
tand who has been trying to put his profligate sons at the head of 
this Church, to rule over this people. 

Now let us for a moment divest ourselves of fanaticism, which 
is the result of ignorance, and look from the stand-point of 
justice and reason, and compare the conduct and character of 
the two families. Young Joseph, the legal heir of the Prophet, 
because he denies polygamy, or celestial marriage, is accused 
of not following in the footsteps of his father, which Brigham 
says renders him unworthy to be a leader of this people. How 
much better is Brigham's son, John W.Young? Has he fol- 
lowed in the footsteps of the Prophet? Every one acquaint- 
ed with his heartless conduct must answer. No! On the 
contrary, he turned away the bride of his youth, and his ofl*- 
spring by her, and also his other wives that were given him in 
the celestial order of marriage, and then took up with an actress 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 163 

from the stage ! A woman not even of the faith of the Mormon 
Church. 

Notwithstanding all this he is put forward by his father, Brig- 
ham, as his right-hand man, to guide the destinies of this 
Church and people. Oh ! consistency, where art thou ! and 
justice! where hast thou fled! Have this people lost their under- 
standing? Does it require inspiration to detect the fraud and 
injustice at the bottom of this move? I think not. But it does 
require a great deal more fanaticism than I want to possess to 
make me believe that God or justice has anything to do with it. 
I am honest in saying that it is from beneath, and none but a 
depraved, heartless wretch, would stoop so low as to use religion 
as a cloak to dupe and deceive the people. To accomplish so 
corrupt a purpose he has robbed the rich and the poor of this 
people. He has made them pay tithes and tributes to himself. 
He has made himself rich and waxed fat, until he really imagines 
himself to be the Lord's vicegerent here on earth, and that no 
man has the right to interfere with him. He is above the law — 
he is the Lord's anointed! Oh! vain man, go hide thyself, and 
consider from whom thou hast received the succession, and 
through whose hard earnings thou hast been made rich. 

I must not forget to make mention of the qualifications of 
young Briggy, the son of the present leader of the Church. He 
is considered by his father fully qualified to be his successor ; to 
stand at the head of the Church and lead the Saints. This amia- 
We son of the Prophet Brigham, while on a mission to England, 
concluded that he would measure arms with Queen Victoria and 
the Prince of Wales, by driving as many horses as she did to her 
carriage. This was a violation of law. The Queen very soon 
gave Prince Briggy to understand that she was the ruler of that 
kingdom ; that if his father could measure arms with the Presi- 
dent of the United States, his son could not do so with her. 
Prince Brig was shut up in jail, and there he was to remain 
until the fine for his offence was paid. I have been told that 
$26,000 were paid from the perpetual emigration fund for his re- 
lease. This emigration fund is collected from the people for the 
gathering together of poor saints, but the liberty of this worthy 
young man was of more consequence than the gathering in of 
poor saints. Perhaps it is this ambitious act of the Prophet's 
son that has qualified him to act as a leader ! How does the 
character of Smith's sons compare with that of Brigham Young's 



164 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

sons? The one were peaceable, law-abiding citizens, the others 
are spendthrifts and ambitious, regardless of law or order — just 
like their father, full of self-esteem, miserly and bigoted. I re- 
member twenty years ago, among the first members of the Church, 
it was all the talk that young Joseph would soon take the leader- 
ship of the Church, as the rightful successor of his father, the 
Prophet. At that time it never was thought that Brigham 
Young intended to hold the place permanently, and establish 
himself and profligate family at the head of the Church, as he 
has done, to make slaves of the Saints, to keep and sup- 
port himself and worthless sons. The Saints have suffered 
themselves to be led step by step downward, lulled to sleep by 
false promises and phantoms that can never be realized. They 
are powerless, and having lost their self-control, they cannot re- 
sist the charms by which the serpent captivates his victims and 
holds them fast under his influence. Oh ! that I had the power 
of speech to touch the understanding of my brethren and sis- 
ters, to wake them from the stupor and lethargy that has over- 
come them, through the subtle cunning of the devil, that I fear 
has already made the bonds of many of them so strong they can 
never loose them. 

But I must stop and take a retrospective view of things in 
Nauvoo, that I have not yet mentioned, trusting to my worthy 
friend Bishop to place these sentiments which I have just writ- 
ten in their proper place in my history. I have felt impressed to 
write them while I could do so, not knowing that I would have 
the liberty to bring up all the circumstances to that date. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

INSIDE VIEW OF POLYGAMY AND THE DOCTRINE OF "SEALING." 

IN THE Winter of 1845 meetings were held all over the city 
of Nauvoo, and the spirit of Elijah was taught in the differ- 
ent families as a foundation to the order of celestial marriage, 
fis well as the law of adoption. Many families entered into cov- 
enants with each other — the man to stand by his wife and the 
woman to cleave unto her husband, and the children to be 
adopted to the parents. I was one of those who entered into 
covenants to stand by my family, to cleave to them through time 
and eternity. I am proud to say I have kept my obligations 
sacred and inviolate to this day. Others refused to enter into 
these obligations, but agreed to separate from each other, divid- 
ing their substance, and mutually dissolving their former rela- 
tions on friendly terms. Some have mutually agreed to exchange 
wives and have been sealed to each other as husband and wife 
hy virtue and authority of the holy priesthood. One of Brig- 
ham's brothers, Lorenzo Young, now a bishop, made an exchange 
of wives with Mr. Decker, the father of the Mr. Decker who now 
has an interest in the cars running to York. They both seemed 
happy in the exchange of wives. All are considered aliens to 
the commonwealth of Israel until adopted into the kingdom by 
baptism, and their children born unto them before the baptism 
of the parents are to be adopted to the parents, and become 
heirs to the kingdom through the law of adoption. But the 
children that are born to parents after the baptism of the parents 
are legal heirs to the kingdom. 

This doctrine extends much further. All persons are required 
to be adopted to some of the leading men of the Church. In this, 
however, they have the right of choice, thus forming the links of 
the chain of priesthood back to the father, Adam, and so on to 
the second coming of the Messiah. Time will not allow me to 
165 



166 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

en^^er into the full details of this subject. The ordinance of 
celestial marriage was extensively practiced by men and women 
who had covenanted to live together, and a few men had dispen- 
sations granted them to enter into plural marriages, which were 
taught to be the stepping-stone to celestial exaltation. Without 
plural marriage a man could not attain to the fullness of the 
holy priesthood and be made equal to our Saviour. Without it 
he could only attain to the position of the angels, who are ser- 
vants and messengers to those who attain to the Godhead. 

These inducements caused every true believer to exert him- 
self to attain that exalted position, both men and women. In 
many cases the women would do the "sparking," through the 
assistance of the first wife. 

My second wife, Nancy Bean, was the daughter of a wealthy 
farmer, who lived near Quincy, Illinois. She saw me on a mis- 
sion and heard me preach at her father's house. She came to 
Nauvoo and stayed at my house three months, and grew in favor 
and was sealed to me in the Winter of 1845. My third and 
fourth wives were sealed to me soon afterward, in my own 
house. My third wife, Louisa, is now the first wife of D. H. 
Wells. She was then a young lady, gentle and beautiful, and 
we never had an angry word while she lived with me. She and 
her sister Emeline were both under promise to be sealed to me. 
One day Brigham Young saw Emeline and fell in love with her. 
He asked me to resign my claims in his favor, which I did^ 
though it caused a great struggle in my mind to do so, for I 
loved her dearly. I made known to Emeline Brigham's wish,, 
and even went to her father's house several times and used my 
influence with her to induce her to become a member of Brig- 
ham's family. The two girls did not want to separate from each 
other; however, they both met at my house at an appointed- 
time and Emeline was sealed to Brigham, and Louisa was sealed 
to me. Amasa Lyman ofiiciated at the ceremony. At the 
same time Sarah C. Williams, the girl that I had baptized in 
Tennessee, when but a child, at the house of Wm. Pace, and 
who came to Nauvoo, stood up and claimed a place in my fam- 
ily. She is yet with me and is the mother of twelve children. 
She has been a kind wife, mother and companion. By Louisa. 
I had one son born, who died at the age of twelve. She lived 
with me about one year after her babe was born. She then told 
me that her parents were never satisfied to have one daughter 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 167 

sealed to the man highest in authority and the other below her. 
Their constant teasing caused us to separate, not as enemies, 
however. Our friendship was never broken. Her change made 
her more miserable than ever. After we got into Salt Lake Val- 
ley she offered to come back to me, but Brigham would not con- 
sent to her so doing. Her sister became a favorite with Brig- 
ham, and remained so until he met Miss Folsom, who captivated 
him to a degree that he neglected Emeline, and she died broken- 
hearted. 

Plural marriages were not made public. ' They had to be kept 
still. A young man did not know when he was talking to a sin- 
gle woman. As far as Brigham Young was concerned, he had 
no wives at his house, except his first wife, or the one that he 
said was his first wife. Many a night have I gone with him, 
arm in arm, and guarded him while lie spent an hour or two with 
his young brides, then guarded him home and guarded his house 
until one o'clock, when I was reheved. He used to meet his 
beloved Emeline at my house. 

In the Spring of 1845 Rachel Andora was sealed to me — the 
woman who has stood by me in all my troubles. A truer woman 
was never born. She has been by me true, as I was to Brigham, 
and has always tried to make my will her pleasure. I raised 
her in my family from five years of age. She was a sister to my 
first wife. Her mother, Abigail Sheffer, was sealed to me for an 
eternal state. The old lady has long since passed away, and 
entered into eternal rest and joy. 

But to resume the narrative of events at Nauvoo. In the year 
1845 the building of the Temple was progressing. Through the 
Summer trouble was brewing among all the Saints, both in Illi- 
nois and Iowa. Many of my friends from Tennessee, and some 
from Kentucky, emigrated and joined us during that Summer 
and Fall, as well as some from other places. An effort was made 
to complete the Nauvoo House if possible, but finding the storm 
approaching too fast the work on the House was abandoned, and 
all hands put at work on the Temple. We were anxious to com- 
plete the Temple, in order that we might receive our promised 
blessings in it before we commenced our exodus across the plains 
in search of a home, we knew not where. Our time was limited, 
and our Christian friends who surrounded us, whose ire had been 
aroused to the highest pitch, were not likely to allow us to re- 
main longer than our appointed time. The killing of the Smiths 



168 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

had aroused their friends to acts of violence, and many whose 
houses were burned and property destroyed, who bad come to 
Nauvoo for protection and shelter, retaliated by driving in stock 
from the range to subsist upon. No doubt the stock of many an 
innocent man was driven away, and this served to bring others 
into trouble. 

Thus things grew worse the longer the Saints remained atNau- 
voo. It was an unfortunate matter, and much of the trouble that 
came upon the Church was brought on through the folly and fa- 
naticism of the Saints. I have seen relentless cruelty practiced 
by those who directed this cattle stealing. I cannot call it any- 
thing else, though they called it getting back what had been 
taken from them. It caused many strangers to come to the city 
to look for traces of their cattle. A company was organized, 
called the " Whittlers." They had long knives, and when any of 
these strangers would come to town, they would gather around 
him, and whittle ; none of them saying a word, no matter what 
question was asked. They would thus watch any stranger, gath- 
ering close to him, until they finally ran him out of town. I 
never took part in such low, dirty doings. I was taught from a 
child to respect all persons, as every spirit begets its like. I 
never did think any good came of such conduct. A man must 
respect himself, or he can never command others. 

During the fall of 1845 companies were formed for making 
wagons for the contemplated move, as a great many of the 
Saints were poor, and had neither wagons nor teams. Teams 
wore more easil}^ obtained than wagons. People traded off their 
lots and loose property for teams. Many of the wagons had 
wooden hoops in place of tires, for the want of iron, though iron 
and everything else was at the lowest price. Common labor was 
only twenty-five cents per day, but money was hard to get. 

About the 1st of December, 1845, we commenced filling up 
the rooms for giving endowments. I assisted in putting up the 
stoves, curtains and other things. It was about fifteen days be- 
fore we got everything ready. I must mention that when the 
doctrine of baptizing for the dead was first introduced, the 
families met together, down by the river side, and one of their 
number, of the order of the Melchisedek Priesthood, officiated. 
They were baptized in behalf of all they could remember, the 
men for the men, and the women for the women. But when the 
fount was ready in the Temple, which rested on the twelve 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 169 

carved oxen, they went and were baptized in it, after tlie same 
order, except that a clerk must make a record of it, and two 
witnesses must be present, and the name of the person baptized 
and for whom he or she was baptized, and the date of baptism, 
together with the name of the officiating elder, and the name of 
the clerk and witnesses entered in the register or record. All 
persons who are baptized must also be confirmed. Male and 
female alike pass through the same ceremony, and the fact 
-entered in the record kept for that purpose. 

This is done for all who have died without the knowledge of 
the gospel. As Jesus, while his body lay in the tomb, went and 
preached to the spirits, in the spirit world, the doctrine of his 
gospel to all who had died before hearing it, since the days of 
Noah, so through baptism for the dead, can our friends, and 
those who have gone before us, be made partakers of this new 
^nd last gospel sent to us, and receive its blessings and eternal 
reward. No person, however, is allowed the privilege of this 
baptismal fount, or their washings or anointings, unless they 
have paid their tithings promptly, and have a certificate to that 
effect. In many cases, also, where men require it, their just 
debts must be settled before they are allowed to be baptized, 
washed or anointed. In the order of Endowment, a list is 
made out the day previous, of those who wish to take their en- 
dowments. Every person is required to wash himself clean, 
from head to foot. Also to prepare and bring a good supply of 
food, of the best quality, for themselves and those who labor ill 
the house of the Lord. In the latter about twenty-five persons 
iire required in the different departments to attend to the wash- 
ing, anointing, blessing, ordaining, and sealing. From twenty- 
five to fifty persons are passed through in twenty-four hours. 

I was among the first to receive my washings and anoint- 
ings, and even received my second anointing, which made me 
an equal in the order of the Priesthood, with the right and au- 
thority to build up the kingdom in all the earth, and power to 
fill any vacancy that might occur. I have officiated in all the 
different branches, from the highest to the lowest. There were 
about forty men who attained to that order in the Priesthood, 
including the twelve Apostles and the first presidency, and to 
them was intrusted the keeping of the records. I was the head 
clerk ; Franklin D. Richards was my assistant clerk. My oflSce 
was in room number one, at President Young's apartments. 



170 MOB MONISM UNVEILED. 

I kept a record of all the sealings, anointings, marriages and 
adoptions. 

I was the second one adopted to Brigham Young. I should 
have been his first adopted son, being the first that proposed it 
to him, but always ready to give preference to those in author- 
ity, I placed A. P. Rockwood's name first on the list. I also 
had my children adopted to me in the Temple. Brigham Young 
had his children adopted to himself, and we were the only ones, 
to my knowledge, that had our children so adopted at the Tem- 
ple at Nauvoo. As time would not permit attending to all the 
people, the business was rushed through day and night. 

Officers were on the alert to arrest Brigham Young. He often' 
hid in the different apartments of the Temple. One day about 
sunset, an officer, knowing that he was in the Temple, waited 
for him to come out, as his carriage was waiting for him at the 
door. Brigham threw his cloak around Wm. Miller, who resem- 
bled Brigham in build and stature, and sent him to the carriage- 
with Geo. D. Grant, his driver. As the}^ got to the carriage, 
Grant said to Miller, "Mr. Young, are you ready to go?" As- 
he spoke to him, the officer said: "Mr. Young, I have a 
writ for you. I want you to go with me to Carthage," twenty 
miles distant. Miller replied, "Shall I take my carriage?" 
The officer answered, " You may if you choose, and I will pay 
the bill." 

Grant then drove Miller to Carthage, and the marshal- 
took him to the hotel and supplied him with refreshments. 
After supper an apostate Mormon called in with the marshal to 
see him. When he saw Miller, he said to the marshal : 

"By heavens! you are sold this time. That is not Brigham, 
that is Mr. Miller." 

The marshal was a good deal nettled, and said to Miller : 

"I am very much obliged to you." 

Miller replied : 

" You are quite welcome. I hope you will pay my bill as you 
agreed to do." 

" Why did 3^ou deceive me?" demanded the marshal. 

"I did not," replied Miller, "you deceived yourself. I said 
nothing to deceive you." 

"All right," replied the marshal, "I will settle your bill, 
and you can return in the morning, if you choose." 

This friendly warning gave Brigham to understand that it wa* 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 171 

time for him to get away, that many such tricks would not be 
wholesome. 

In the Temple I took three more wives — Martha Berry, Polly 
Ann Workman and Delethea Morris, and had all my family 
sealed to me over the altar, in the Temple, and six of them re- 
ceived their second anointings, that is, the first six wives did, 
but the last three we had not time to attend to. 

On the 10th of February, 1846, Brigham Young and a small 
company crossed the Mississippi River, on the ice, into Iowa, 
and formed an encampment on a stream called Sugar Creek. I 
crossed, with two wagons, with the first company. Brigham did 
this in order to elude the officers, and wait there until all who 
could fit themselves out could join him. Such as were in danger 
of being arrested were helped away first. Our police crossed 
over to guard the first Presidency. Those who were not liable 
to be arrested remained back and sent their teams forward. I 
took one of Brigham' s wives, Emeline, in one of my wagons, 
with Louisa, her sister, as far as Florence or Rainsville. AH 
of Brigham' s wives, except the first, were taken by the breth- 
ren, as he did not at that time have the teams or means to convey 
his family across the plains, but was dependent on the brethren 
for help, though he had used every means in his power to raise 
an outfit. 

Brigham called a council of some of the leading men. Among 
them was one Joseph L. Heywood and myself. Heywood was a 
merchant at Quincy, Illinois, and was doing a fair business be- 
fore he joined the Mormon Church, and was considered an hon- 
orable man. When the Mormons were driven from Missouri 
many had occasion to bless him for his many kindnesses to them 
in their hour of trouble. At the council, after some conversa- 
tion upon our present move, Brigham proposed to appoint a 
committee of men, against whom no charges could be brought, 
to return to Nauvoo and attend to the selling of the property of 
the Saints, and to see to fitting out the people and starling them 
forward. He proposed that I, A. W. Babbitt, Joseph L. Hey- 
wood and David S. Fulmer be that committee. Brother Hey- 
wood was asked to turn over his whole stock of goods to fit the 
first Presidency and the Apostles for the journey. This to 
Brother Heywood was a stunner. He replied that he was in- 
debted to honorable men in the East for the most of his stock, 
and that he did not dare to defraud them ; that he had been. 



172 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

taught from childhood to deal honorably with all men. He was 
told by Brigham that he could raise the money to pay his East- 
-ern creditors from the sales of the property at Nauvoo. This 
brother Heywood thought very doubtful, as the property of 
a deserted city would not be very valuable. Brigham then said 
that this was a case of emergency, and they must have the 
goods ; that Brother Heywood must write to his creditors and 
tell them that owing to the trouble among the people business 
had fallen off, and that he could not pay them, but would in the 
future. Brigham told him if he failed to raise money from the 
rsale of city property, as soon as the Church was established that 
he would raise the money for him to satisfy his creditors, and 
this would give him more influence than ever among the outside 
world. They finally persuaded Heywood to turn over his goods. 
If time permits I will hereafter tell how he came out of the mat- 
ter. For all of my services for the leading men I never received 
a dollar. I have managed, however, to maintain my family in 
good style, to pay my tithing and live independently of help from 
the Church. I was called a shrewd trader and a good financier, 
and always had plenty. 

I usually had some money on hand. These were considered 
by Brigham noble traits in my character. He would rather a 
person would give to him than beg from him. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE SAINTS MOVE WESTWARD. 

A FEW words in regard to the Prophet Joseph. He was 
tried twenty-one times for different offences, and acquit- 
ted each time. One time when he was visiting at Peoria, he was 
captured by four men from Missouri, who started with him in a 
wagon, to take him to that State. Two of them sat beside him 
with cocked pistols, punching him in the side occasionally, and 
tellino- him that if he opened his month they would blow his 
brains out. He was not arrested by any process of law, but 
they were trying to kidnap him. Stephen H. Markham, an old 
tried friend of Joseph, ran ahead to the town of Peoria, employ-^ 
ed a lawyer, got out a writ of habeas corpus, and had him set at 
liberty. When the news reached Nauvoo, the Saints were in the 
wildest state of excitement. The Mormon steamer there was 
laden with troops, who hastened to Peoria to rescue the 
Prophet. When they arrived there they found him at liberty. 
This was in 1843. The same winter he organized what was 
called the " Council of Fifty." This was a confidential organi- 
zation. A man by the name of Jackson belonged to it, though 
he did not belong to the Church. This Council was designated 
ass a law-making department, but no record was ever kept of its 
doino-s, or if kept, they were burned at the close of each meet- 
ino-. Whenever anything of importance was on foot this Coun- 
cil was called to deliberate upon it. The Council was called the 
'' Li vino- Constitution." Joseph said that no legislature could 
enact laws that would meet every case, or attain the ends of 
justice in all respects. 

As a man, Joseph tried to be a law-abiding citizen, but he had 

a motley crew to manage, men who were constantly doing 

something to bring trouble upon them. He often reproved them 

and some he dis-fellowshiped. But being of a forgiving disposi- 

173 



174 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

tion, when the}^ would come back to him and beg his forgive- 
ness, liis kind, humane heart could not refuse them. He was 
often basely imposed upon. 

I was standing with him one cold day, watching a couple of 
men who were crossing the river in a canoe. The river was full 
of ice, running swiftly. As they neared the shore the canoe up- 
set, throwing them into the river. One of them got on a cake of 
ice, but the other made several attempts before he could do 
so. As quick as thought Joseph sent a runner to them with a 
bottle of whisky, saying, "Those poor boj^s must be nearly 
frozen." This man Jackson was standing near ; said he, "By 
Heavens, he is the most thoughtful man on earth." 

On another occasion, on the 4th of July, 1843, at a celebra- 
tion, a number of toasts had been offered, when some one said, 
" Brother Joseph, suppose you give us a toast." Raising his 
glass, with water in it, in the place of spirits, he said, "Here 
is wishing that all the mobocrats of the nineteenth century were 
in the middle of the sea, in a stone canoe, with an iron paddle ; 
that a shark might swallow the canoe, and the shark be thrust 
into the nethermost part of h — 1, and the door locked, the key 
lost, and a blind man hunting for it." 

But to return to our expedition across the plains. The snow 
lay about eight inches deep on the ground when the first com- 
pany crossed the river. The plan of operation was this : We 
must leave Nauvoo, whether ready or not. All covenanted to 
help each other, until all were away that wanted to go. Tiie 
teams and wagons sent to help others away were to be sent back 
as soon as a suitable place was found at which to make a settle- 
ment, and leave the poor, or rather those who had no teams to 
go on with. I was unwilling to start out with a part of my fam- 
ily, leaving the rest behind, and thought that now was the time 
to get them out before greater trouble commenced. I went into 
Brigham's tent and told him what I thought of the matter, and 
that I thought I could fit up teams in a few days and bring them 
all away. He replied that he had been thinking of the same 
thing. Said he : 

"Go, I will give you five days in which to sell out and cross 
the river again, and bring me one hundred dollars in gold." 

I informed the portion of my family that was with me of my 
intentions. My first wife was still at Nauvoo. I had the confi- 
dence of my family, and I was a man who seldom undertook 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. X75 

•anything that I did not carry out. I started back on foot, and 
crossed the river on tlie ice. I fell in with acquaintances about 
La Harpe, who were in trouble about a number of wagons and 
teams which they had purchased in the State. The devil was 
to pay generally. Some of the Gentiles who had lost cattle laid 
it to the Mormons in Nauvoo, and they were determined to take 
cattle from the Mormons until they got even. I had a brick 
house and lot on Parley street that I sold foi> three hundred dol- 
lars in teams. I told the purchaser that I would take seven 
wagons and teams, and before I went to sleep that night I had 
my entire outfit of teams. My large house, costing me $8000 
(in Salt Lake City it would have been worth S50,000), I was 
offered $800 for. My fanaticism would not allow me to take 
that for it. I locked it up, selling only one stove out of it, for 
which I received eight yards of cloth. The building, with its 
twenty-seven rooms, I turned over to the committee, to be sold 
to help the poor away. The committee informed me afterwards 
that they sold the house for $12.50. 

I was sitting with my family, and was telling them that I must 
get $500 in some way, but the Lord opened no way by which 
I could see where I could get it, and I had but five days in 
which to get out of Nauvoo. In an adjoining room was an old 
gentleman and his daughter, who rented the room of me. They 
were from Pennsylv^ania, and the old gentleman was wealth}^ 
The daughter stepped into her father's room, and soon returned, 
saying that her father wished to see me. I went into his room. 
He gave me a seat and said, " You once did me a kindness that 
I have not repaid. Do you remember meeting me once, when 
•coming from the Temple? I had been there with my wife and 
only child to get my washings and anointings. I was not ad- 
mitted, because I was a stranger, and no one to vouch for me. 
I was returning with a heavy heart, when I met you. You re- 
turned with me and used your influence, vouched for us and pro- 
cured our admittance. I obtained our endowments. I had a 
cancer on my breast at that time, that was considered incurable. 
From the hour I received our endowments it has never pained 
me and it is healing up. Now, I am thankful I have it in my 
power to do you a little favor in return." So saying, he lifted 
the lid of a box and counted out $500 in gold coin, saying that 
if it would help me I was welcome to it. I offered him a team, 
but he said he had money enough to buy his outfit, and sup- 



176 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

port him while he lived, and that he felt thankful for an oppor- 
tunity of returning ray favor. . This was to me an unexpected 
blessing from an honest heart. I wept with joyful gratitude ; I 
had the means that I* desired in my hands. The next morning I 
received my teams and wagons. All had to be fitted up for the 
journey. My family all went to work making tents and things 
needful for the journey. I sent my wagons to the Mormon 
wagonshop and told them to work night and day, and put 
them in the best order within three days, and I would give them 
$50 dollars in gold, which was $5 for a day and night's work, 
quite a difference from fifty cents, the usual price. They went 
to work in earnest, and as fast as a t\ agon was finished I had it 
loaded. In the meantime A. W. Babbitt was urging me to cross 
the river, as there was an officer in town looking for me. On 
the third day I started one of my ox teams across the river on 
the ice, and came near losing the whole outfit, by its breaking- 
through the ice. I crossed no more team« that way. I then got 
a large wood boat and some twenty-five men to help me, and we 
cut through the ice across the river, so that the boat could be 
towed over. On the fourth day I had all of my eff'ects at the 
river side. The day before, when I had crossed the team that 
had broken through the ice, I met an officer at the river side 
looking for me. He wanted to arrest me on the charge of lasciv- 
ious cohabitation — having more wives than one. I told him that 
I had seen John D. Lee crossing the river the day before, and 
that one of his oxen broke through, and added that it was a 
pity he had not broken through also. I stepped into a saloon 
with the officer and we took a drink together. I then went with 
him into the wagonshop, and stepping in ahead of him, and tip- 
ping the wink to the men there, said, 

''Have any of you seen John D. Lee to-day? Here is an 
officer looking for him." 

They replied that he had crossed the river the day before. 
This satisfied the officer, and he went away. I bought oils and 
paints for my wogons, and five gallons of whiske}^ to treat the 
boys who had helped me over the river. As we left the river, a 
heavy storm came up. It was so dark I could see nothing. I 
had four mule teams, and let them follow the road. We halted 
about a mile beyond the town of Montrose, and a man who lived 
there, named Hickenlooper, took us all in and attended to the 
animals. I went to sleep and did not wake until ten o'clock the 



■mm- 




LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 177 

next morning. This man had all the supplies we needed, flour, 
bacon, etc. ; and I purchased my store of supplies from him. I 
learned that the company had moved on, and was camped at a 
place called Richardson's Point, forty-five miles from Montrose. 
Before reaching the encampment, I was met by Brigham 
Young, H. C. Kimball, and Dr. William Richards in their car- 
riages, who bade me welcome. After we reached camp, a coun- 
cil was held, and I reported my success, and gave an account of 
my mission. When I had finished, Brigham asked me if I had 
brought him that hundred dollars. I replied I had, and kanded 
it to him. He counted it, and then said, 

" What shall I do with it? " 

I replied, "Feed and help the poor.'* 

He then prophesied, saying that I should be blessed, and 
means would come unto me from an unexpected source, that in 
time of need friends would be sent to my assistance. 

The roads were in a bad condition, and we lay here a few 
days, during which time I painted and numbered my wagons. 
M3'self, Geo. S. Clark, Levi Stewart and another man were ap- 
pointed hunters, as there was much game in the country we had 
to pass through, turkey, deer and some elk. 

From here we traveled to the Raccoon Fork of Grand River, in 
Iowa, about seventy-five miles. At the three forks of the Grand 
River we made a halt. In fact the rain had made the country 
impassable, and our provisions were running short. Here we 
found some wild hogs, and the men killed several. Brigham 
said that they were probably some of our hogs that had become 
scattered when we were driven out of Missouri. This was 
sufficient license for many to kill anything they could find. 

While we lay here two men came to our camp, named Allen 
Miller and Mr. Clancy. They were traders to the Potawatomie 
Indians. Allen Miller had married one of my wives. They 
informed me that we could get everything we needed about fifty 
miles from there, near Grand River. We unloaded about seven- 
teen wagons and selected out such articles as we could spare. 
I was appointed the Contracting Commissary, to do the pur- 
chasing for the companies. This was in April, 1846. 

We started with those two men and the seventeen wagons, and 
drove to Miller's and made that headquarters, as he had provis- 
ions in abundance. The grass was like a meadow then. I had 
some horses and harness to exchange for oxen and cows. When 
12 



178 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

we bad turned out our stock for the day at Miller's, Mr. Clancy 
invited me home with him. On entering his house I found his 
partner, Patrick Dorsey, an Irishman, sick. Mr. Doi*sey had been 
tormented with a pain in his eyes, in so much that he had rested 
neither day nor night, and was losing his sight. I asked him if 
he was a Catholic. He answered that he was. I knew their 
faith, as I was raised a Catholic and once believed in their doc- 
trines. I asked him if he wished me to pray for him. He in- 
quired if I was a minister, to which I replied that I was. He 
then said : 

"Do pray with me, if you please, for 1 am in great distress." 

I then laid my hands upon his head, and asked the Father, in 
the name of the Son, and by virtue of the holy priesthood in me 
vested, to stay his sufferings and heal him. The pain left him 
instantly, as he took his hat and walked with me to Miller's 
house. They were astonished to see him apparentl}^ without 
pain, and asked him what I had done for him. He answered: 

"I was in great distress; a stranger laid hands upon my 
head, and prayed and made me whole ; but who he was, or 
whence he came, I know not. But this I know, that I was 
almost blind, and now I see ; I was sick, but now I am well." 

This little occurrence created quite an excitement in the set- 
tlement, and nothing would do but I must preach the next even- 
ing. During the next day I made several trades. Evening 
came, and I preached at my friend Miller's. When I closed 
they made me up a purse of five dollars, and offered to load one 
of our wagons with provisions. 

We remained here about a week and did finely in trading. 
On Sunday quite a large attendance, for a new country, turned 
out to hear me preach. I was weary and did not feel much like 
preaching. However I preached about an hour and a half. At 
the close of the service they made up ten dollars for me, and a 
Mr. Scott, a wealthy farmer, said that if I would drive my wag- 
ons to his establishment he would fill them all with flour, bacon, 
potatoes, etc. I had the use of my friend Miller's store to store 
away our traps, as I had more than we could take away. The 
people were anxious for me to stop there and take up a farm, 
make my home with them, and preach and build up a church. 
I told them I was bound for the Rocky Mountains. As for Mr. 
Dorsey, he offered me all he had, and wanted to know what to 
do to be saved. He gave me a history of his life. He told me 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 179 

be led a company of men from Carroll County, Missouri, wlicn 
we were driven from the State. I reflected a little and gave him 
a list of city property at Nauvoo that I would turn out to him at 
one-fourth its value, for such property as he wanted to turn out 
to me. He said he had twelve yoke of oxen and some twenty- 
five cows, and other stock ; four bee stands, three wagons, some 
six to eight hundred dollars' worth of bacon, flour, meal, soap, 
powder, lead, blankets, thirty rifles, guns, knives, tobacco, cali- 
coes, spades, hoes, plows, harrows ; also twelve feather beds and 
all of his improvements. He said he only wanted his carriage 
and a span of black horses, to take himself, wife and partner to 
Nauvoo. All the above property he turned over to me, and I 
gave him deeds to property in Nauvoo. He was to go back 
with our return teams, as Brigham had commenced making a 
settlement at the place where he was camped. He called the 
p^a ce Garden Grove. We returned to camp, laden with all our 
teams could haul, besides the three wagons that I had got from 
Dorsey. There was a great deal that we could not move away. 
I took a forty-gallon cask of honey and a quantity of whisky and 
brandy from Dorsey. The bee stands, improvements and farm- 
ing utensils I turned over for the use of the settlers that re- 
mained at Garden Grove. 

This circumstance confirmed me in my oft-expressed opinion 
that much of the trouble that has followed this people has been 
created by wild, ignorant fanatics ; for only a few years before 
these same people were our most bitter enemies, and when we 
■came again and behaved ourselves, they treated us with the 
utmost kindness and hospitality. 

I also made arrangements for all the labor needed by the com- 
pany that was left, so that they could be planting crops and 
raising supplies while building houses to live in. The company 
left would be strengthened by others who would follow. All the 
borrowed teams were returned to bring others forward, and 
those who had teams of their own went on and made another 
settlement called Pisgah, and then went on to Council Bluflfs, 
which was afterwards called Kanesville, in honor of Col. Thomas 
L. Kane. From this point I took a cargo of traps, consisting of 
feather beds, fine counterpanes, quilts, and such goods, and 
went down to Missouri, with a large number of wagons, to 
obtain a cargo of supplies, and beef cattle and cows. During 
my absence a call was made on the Mormons for five hundred 



180 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

men to go to Mexico, to defend the American flag. Col. Ethan 
Allen and Thos. L. Kane came to raise the required number of 
men. An express was sent back to Pisgah and Garden Grove 
to famish their number. The ranks were nearly full before I 
reached camp. Dr. Richards said to me : 

" I am glad you have returned. We want you for one of the 
Captains." 

''All right," I answered, and started to enroll my name. 
Brigham Young called me back and said he could not spare me \ 
that there were men enough to fill the bill without me. The 
battalion was filled, and Col. Allen, a United States oflScer, 
marched them to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. 

From Council Blufi's I returned to Missouri, to buy a drove of 
cattle for Brigham Young, Dr. Eichards and others, they having 
received some money from England. I also loaded some twenty 
wagons with provisions and articles for trade and exchange. I 
also exchanged horses for oxen, as the latter were low and the 
former high in price. About the middle of August I returned, 
with about five hundred head of cattle. 

While I was gone the camp had moved across the Missouri 
Eiver, at a place called Cutler's Park. The cattle swam the 
river, but the provision train was still on the Iowa side of the 
river. A. Grant, and some other of Brigham's men, teamsters 
and waiters, crossed back for a couple of loads of provisions for 
Brigham and some others. Without saying a word to me they 
loaded up from the train their supply of provisions. When I 
heard of it I was consi^derably rufl^ed, as this train was in my 
charge and I was responsible for it. 

I went to Grant, who seemed to be the leader, and told him 
he had not acted the gentleman in interfering with what did not 
belong to him. We had some warm words, and had not other 
parties interfered we would have come to blows. He justified 
himself by saying that Brigham sent him. I told him I did not 
care who sent him — that there was a right way and a wrong way 
of doing things. The feeling grew bitter between us, and they 
accused me of doing many wrongful things in my office. Final- 
ly Brigham called us all together in the presence of the first 
Presidency and the Twelve Apostles, and we made our state- 
ments. My accusers said what they had to say, and then I re- 
plied. When Brigham had heard our statements he reproved 
my accusers sharply, and fully approved of all I had done. He 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. Igl 

then said we must not have any ill-feeling, and directed us to 
shake hands and be friends. I was the first that arose to com- 
ply. We shook hands, and though we agreed to drop the mat- 
ter, still the old spirit lingered, even after we had crossed the 
plains. 



w 



CHAPTER XVI. 

LEE GOES ON AN EXPEDITION TO SANTA FEE. 

E GOT into camp the next day. After striking camp I 
noticed tiiat a tire was gone from one of the wagons. A 
few days afterwards the mother of my first wife went down ta 
a stream near by, and caught a number of fine fish, and on her 
way back to the camp she found the missing tire. It had rolled 
nearly three hundred yards from the road, and was laying where 
it at last stopped. The people all began cutting hay and stack- 
ing it, so as to be prepared for feeding our stock during the 
winter. 

One night in the latter part of September, I dreamed that 
Lieut. James Pace, of Co. E, Mormon Battalion, stood at my 
tent door, and said that Col. Allen, commanding the Mormon 
battalion, was dead. I saw him plainly in my dream, and after 
he gave the information, he started back to his camp, and a man 
went from our encampment with him. I saw him and his com- 
panion, and all they did on their way back to Santa Fee, their 
dangers from the Indians, and all that took place, etc. 

The next evening I went, as was usual, with Brigham Young 
and Dr. Willard Richardson, the Church Historian, to attend a 
Council meeting at Heber C. Kimball's camp. After the meet- 
ing was over, and we we were going back to our tents, I said ta 
Brisjham Young : 

" We will find Lieut. Pace at my tent when we get there.'* 

*' How do you know that? " said he. 

I then told him my dream, and we walked on. When we got 
in sight of my tent, there stood Lieut. James Pace, just as I 
had seen him in my dream. This did not surprise me, for I 
knew he would come. Brigham Young said : 

" What on earth has brought you back? " 

He replied, " Col. Allen is dead. The battalion is without a 
182 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 183 

commander and I have returned by order of the other officers to 
report to you, and ask you who shall now lead us." 

*' Why did you not elect one of your Captains ? '' said Brigham 
Young. 

"The officers prefer to let Col. Smith, of the United States 
army, lead us, if you will consent to it. But some of our men 
object, so I came for orders from you," said Pace. 

The matter was taken into consideration by Brigham Young 
until next morning. In the morning he came to me in my tent, 
and said : 

"John, how would you like to go back with Brother Pace and 
get the remittances of the soldiers? " 

I said nothing could be more objectionable than such a trip. 
" My family is large, I have no houses for them ; they are with- 
out provisions, and I have no means to shelter them from the 
winter storms. I have not sufficient hay cut to feed my stock 
through the winter. I must attend to keeping my stock in order 
or I will have nothing left to take me and my family over the 
plains next Spring. But," said I, " there is no one more will- 
ing to sacrifice himself and his own interests for the benefit of 
the Church than I am." 

He waited and heard me through ; then he said, "Thus sayeth 
the Lord. You shall go, my son. Prosperity shall attend you 
during your absence, and you shall return in safety, not a hair 
of your head shall be hurt." 

I said, " It is sufficient to know your will, I will go ; but who 
will take care of my family in my absence?" 

He said, "I will see to your family, and attend to all you are 
interested in during your absence." 

I was satisfied, and proceeded to carry out the will of Brigham 
Young. I had cut considerable hay in company with the breth- 
ren, but as it had to be divided, I considered I would not have 
much to my share, especially after I had to divide in Winter 
with the lazy poor, or poor devils. I never went much on this 
copartnership system of labor. There are always a number 
who will not work, and yet they are always present when there 
is a division to be made of the proceeds of the labor. Joseph 
Smith classed the poor in three divisions. He said, "There are 
three kinds of poor. The Lord's poor, the devil's poor, and the 
poor devils." I never objected to share with the Lord's poor, 
but when it came to dividing with the devil's poor and the poor 



184 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

devils too, it was rather more than I desired; it took away 
all the profits. 

My outfit for the intended journey consisted of a snug light 
wagon, a span of good mules, a spy-glass and such traps as a 
man needs on the plains. I also took Dr. Willard's dog with me 
to watch while I was asleep. I was ordered to keep my busi- 
ness secret from every one, for fear of being robbed on my 
return home. I was not allowed to even tell my wives where I 
was going, or how long I would be gone. I went to St. Joseph, 
Mo., and put up at John Gheen's, and stayed there while fitting 
out for the trip. While there I met Luke Johnson, one of the 
witnesses to the Book of Mormon. I had a curiosity to talk with 
him concerning the same. We took a walk down on the river 
bank. I asked him if the statement he signed about seeing the 
angel and the plates, was true. If he did see the plates from 
which the Book of Mormon was printed or translated. He said 
it was true. I then said, " How is it that you have left the 
Church? If the angel appeared to you, and you saw the plates, 
how can you now live out of the Church? I understand you 
were one of the twelve apostles at the first organization of the 
Church?'' 

"I was one of the twelve," said he, " I have not denied the 
truth of the Book of Mormon. But myself and several others 
were overtaken in a fault at Kirkland, Ohio — Wm. Smith, Oliver 
Cowdrey, one or two others, and myself. We were brought up 
for the off'ence before the Church authorities. Sidney Rigdon 
and Wm. Smith were excused, and the matter hushed up. But 
Cowdrey and myself were proceeded against and our choice 
given us to make a public confession, or be dropped from 
the Church. I refused to make the public confession unless 
Rigdon and Smith did the same. The authorities said that 
would not do, for Rigdon was counselor to the Prophet, and 
Wm. Smith was the brother of the Prophet, and also one of the 
twelve ; but that if Cowdrey and I would confess, it would be 
a cloak for the other two. I considered this unjust and unfair. 
So I left the Church for that reason. But I have reflected over 
the matter much since that time, and I have come to the con- 
clusion that each man is accountable for his own sins, also that 
the course I have been pursuing injures me alone, and I intend 
to visit the Saints and again ask to be admitted into the Church. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 185 

Rigdon has gone to destruction, and Wm. Smith is not much 
better off to-day than I am." 

This conversation was a great comfort to me. We went to 
Fort Leavenworth, where we learned that Colonel Smith had 
taken command of the battalion and had marched on with it. 
Lieut. Pace got another good horse here, and such oats and pro- 
visions as we needed. We then struck on after the command. 
We overtook the battalion about fifty miles below Bent's Fort. 
Our brethren were rejoiced to see us. Many had grievances to 
relate, and all had much to tell and enquire about. That morn- 
ing they had buried one of the battalion named Phelps. The 
men said his death was caused by arsenic which the doctor had 
forced him to take. They claimed that Colonel Smith was a 
tyrant — that he was not the man that Colonel Allen had been. 
The command was on the march when we came up with it. 
There was a fifty-mile desert before us, and little water on the 
route. Colonel Allen had allowed the men to pray with and for 
each other when sick and had not forced them to take medicine 
when they did not want it. But Colonel Smith deprived them 
of their religious rights and made them obey the doctor's orders 
at all times. The doctor examined the sick ever}^ morning and 
forced them to take medicine, or when they refused to take it 
they were compelled to walk, and when unable to walk and keep 
«p with the others they were tied to the back end of the wagons, 
like they were animals. The doctor was generally called Death; 
he was known to all by that name. While traveling along 
Captain J. Hunt, of Company A, introduced Colonel Smith to 
me. I then invited them to ride in my wagon. They got in, 
and I soon introduced the subject of the treatment of the troops 
adopted by Colonel Allen, and spoke of its good influence over 
them. I said the men loved Colonel Allen, and would all have 
died for him, because he respected their religious rights. I said 
they were volunteers, and not like regular troops ; that they 
were not used to regular military discipline, and felt that they 
were oppressed, and had lost confidence in their oflflcers. I re- 
ferred to the ill-treatment of the men, and talked quite freely. 
Captain Hunt got very mad, and jumped out of the wagon. He 
said I talked like an insane man more than a man of sense. 
The Colonel said that he was willing to give up the command to 
the choice of the battalion. I said he had better keep it until 
we arrived at Santa Fe, but for his own sake he had better ease 



186 MOBMONISM I! ^VEILED. 

up on the boys a little. That evening Captain Hunt sent a del- 
egation to me informing me that I was causing the command to 
mutiny, and I must stop it or he would have me put under ar- 
rest. I asked where he was going to find his men to put me 
under guard — that he could not find them in that command, and 
that if he doubted my word he had better try to arrest me. The 
Captain knew I was right, and so the matter ended. I then told 
them I would encourage the men to obedience until we reached 
Santa Fe. The troops were better treated after that. 

On the march water was very scarce ; I saw a man offer $16 for 
a coffee-pot of water one day on the desert. I walked most of 
the time, and let the sick ride in my wagon. When we reached 
the Spanish settlements we got pepper, onions, corn, sheep,, 
goats and other articles of food. We reached Santa Fe in the 
midst of a snow storm. All the Mormons were pleased to find 
that honest Missourian, Colonel Doniphan, in command at that 
place. He had a kind, humane nature. The sick and disabled 
men of the battalion were sent to a Spanish town called Taos, 
under charge of Captain Brant, for care and rest. Soon after 
reaching Santa Fe Colonel Philip St. John Cook took command 
of the battalion. The soldiers were paid off, and Howard Egan,. 
who had accompanied me, was given one-half of the checks and 
money, donated by the soldiers for Brigham Young and Heber 
C. Kimball, and the remainder was given to me to carry back to 
winter quarters. I remained in camp ten days to recruit my 
animals, because I could not purchase an animal there for use. 
The army had taken ever^'thing fit to ride or walk. 

I wished to have Lieut. Gully return with me, and it was nec~ 
essary to obtain permission for him to resign before he could 
go with me. I went to see the commander and stated the situa- 
ation to him, and asked that Lieut. Gully be allowed to resign. 
The General granted my request. The Lieutenant had been 
acting Commissary of Subsistence, and had to make up his pa- 
pers before he could start. I waited until he was ready to go 
with me. I also took Russell Stevens with me, as he had been 
discharged on account of ill health. While thus waiting I was 
troubled with Egan considerably, for he was drunk every day^ 
and I feared he would be robbed. I had Stevens watch him 
most of the time. B}^ closely guarding him I kept him and the 
money safe. General Doniphan said I should have a guard with 
me, and he would send one back to protect us through the In- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 187 

dian country, but animals could not be procured. I then took 
the necessary trouble and procured as good a team as I could to 
start back with. With the consent of the General I got a large 
mule, after much trouble, to work with one of my own. AVhile 
we were in camp at Santa Fe the Doctor was robbed. His 
trunk was stolen, carried out of the camp, and broken open. 
Two gold watches and some money were taken from it. Two 
mules were also stolen the same night. I knew nothing of this, 
nor who did it, until long afterwards. After we had started 
home Stevens had the mules. He brought them to camp and 
said they were his. I think Stevens and Egan robbed the Doc- 
tor, but they never acknowledged it to me. About the 11th of 
October, 1846, we started for home over a wilderness twelve 
hundred miles wide, nearly every foot of it infested with In- 
dians. We camped in the mountains at Gold Springs, where little 
particles of gold can be seen on the bottom of the streams. 
Egan and Stevens did not join us until we had gone fifty miles 
from Santa Fe. They had the Doctor's mules and a Spanish 
horse with them when they joined us. When we had traveled 
ninety miles I discovered that one of my mules was failing. The 
little flesh that was on them was soft and would not last, for we 
had not fed them any grain. It was difficult to recruit our 
mules on the grass, for it is very short generally, and the im- 
mense herds of buffalo ranging over the country keep the grass 
short. At the last Spanish town we passed through I sent Egan 
to buy a couple of mules. That night Egan and Stevens came 
to camp with two poor, miserable looking little mules. I said : 
"What on earth have you brought these poor brutes for?" 
Egan said, ''We cabbaged them; it was the best we could 
do." 

I told him that I was on a mission of duty, and trusted in 
God, and I would not permit him to bring stolen articles to the 
camp. I then sent him back with the mules at once. I said, 
''My trust is in God, and not in the devil. We will go on, and 
you take back the mules, and leave them where you got them." 
He did as I directed. At Moro Station, on the Moro River, the 
last camp we would find until we reached the eastern side of the 
plains, we found a large, fat mule, that belonged to the Govern- 
ment. Lieutenant Gully gave the station keeper, a young man, 
a receipt for the mule, and we took it with us, as we were, in 
one sense, in Government employ. We were carrying a mail, 



188 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

and on general business for the Government. This was a large, 
fine, gentle mule. I called her Friendship. When the other an- 
imals grew weak, I fastened the double-tree back to the axle, 
and thus Friendship hauled the wagon fully three hundred miles. 
At the Cimerone Springs we met a company of traders from St. 
Louis, with a train of thirty-eight wagons. One of their wagons 
■was loaded with pitch-pine wood for cooking purposes. It was 
then raining, and a regular plains storm was coming on. These 
storms are sometimes very destructive. A train had been over- 
taken at this same place a year before, and nearly all of the an- 
imals belonging to the train perished. I counted one hundred 
and ninety skeletons of mules that had died in that storm. 

Many of the men also died at that time. The storm had 
taken place ten days earlier in the season than the one then 
threatening us. We were all invited to the camp by the Cap- 
tain ; the other men went, but I staid in the wagon to write up 
my account of the trip, which I was obliged to keep by order 
Brigham Young. Captain Smith then came to my wagon and 
gave me a drink of fine brandy. He invited us to take supper 
and breakfast with him, which we did. He asked me if I was 
not afraid to travel in such a small company, and said the In- 
dians were all on the war path, and committing depredations all 
along the road, that he had a large train, yet did not consider 
himself safe. I answered, " My trust is in God, not in num- 
bers." This led to a conversation on religious subjects. When 
I told him who I was, and fully stated my belief to him, he was 
much interested in the new doctrine. At supper he had every 
thing to eat that could be desired. The Captain put up a large 
■tent over my wagon to protect it from the storm and wind. The 
next morning the storm was over and we made an early start. 
The Captain gave me a large cheese, a sack of butter crackers, 
some sardines, and many articles which were of great value to 
us on our long, cold journey over the plains. He also gave me 
his name, age, and place of residence in St. Louis, writing it in 
a little blank book which he gave me. He then gave me five 
dollars in gold, shook hands with me, and said, ''Remember me 
in coming days," and we parted. 

At the crossing of the Arkansas Eiver, we met several com- 
panies of Missouri troops. They informed us that Captain 
Mann, with three companies of troops, had been attacked by a 
large body of Southern Pawnee and Cheyenne Indians, that 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 189 

they fought three hours, when the troops were defeated and lost 
seven men killed, with quite a number wounded. That three 
of the men had come for help. That Captain Mann had lost all 
of his animals except the three that the messengers escaped 
with. That the men only had a small supply of ammunition, and 
shot it all away before they retreated. Reinforcements had 
gone to their assistance and would bring in the command. 
They insisted upon us stopping with them, saying it was mad- 
ness for us to attempt to go on. I told them that my trust was 
in God, and my business was urgent and we could not stop. 
We went on twelve miles, when we met the troops bringing in 
the wounded, and the remnant of the men who had been en- 
gaged with Capt. Mann, in the late Indian fight ; they also in- 
sisted upon our returning with them. They said there were 
eight hundred mounted Indians not more than two miles back, 
following up the rear guard, and that we would all be certainly 
massacred unless we returned with them. I must admit that 
the prospect looked dark. Still I felt impressed to go on. 
Along this river, while it runs in nearly a level country and with 
no timber in a hundred miles, yet there are many washes that 
sometimes run out perhaps a mile from the river. Often these 
washes, which were quite deep, caused the road to run around 
them, thus forcing a person to travel a couple of miles to gain 
two hundred yards in distance. It was near one of these washes 
that we met the last body of troops. We stopped at the point 
where the road turned back to the river. My comrades were in 
doubt what to do. I felt that the danger was great. While de- 
bating the matter over in my mind, my whole dream that I had 
the night when I saw Lieut. Pace at my tent door, came fresh 
before me. I at once saw the whole situation. While studying 
upon this matter I heard a voice — an audible voice — say : 

''John, leave the road and follow me." The voice appeared 
to be about twenty feet in front of me, and the same distance 
from the earth. I was startled, for I could see no one who could 
have spoken thus to me. I said to Lieut. Gully : 

" Did you hear that voice? " 

"No," said he. 

"What shall we do? " I asked. 

He said, " You are intrusted with this mission, follow your 
Impressions and all will be right." 

From that moment I felt an invisible power that led me out 



190 M0B3I0mSM UNVEILED. 

into the plain, away from all roads or trails. We went along 
about half a mile, when we came to a low basin, which entirely 
hid us from the road. This basin contained about one acre of 
ground, and was covered with good grass. I felt it my duty to 
stop there, and did so. It was then about one o'clock, P. M. 
Soon after stopping we saw a cloud of dust made by a large 
herd of buffaloes running from the river where they had gone 
for water and had been frightened by Indians. We did not see 
the Indians, for we were perfectly protected by our position. 
We staid there and let our animals eat grass for about one hour 
and a half. We then started on again, following my invisible 
gitide, in an easterly direction, over a country entirely strange 
to me. We traveled on until after dark, when we came to a 
deep wash which my guide directed me to follow down to the 
river. I did so, and came to the very spot where the Indians 
had attacked Captain Mann that morning. Fragments of the 
train lay scattered all over the plain. Our mules were much 
frightened, perhaps at the smell of the blood. We watered our 
animals, and filled our canteens with water. The night was still 
and the least noise would echo and re-echo thro ugh the river 
canyons, until it made the place more than horrid for people in 
our situation. We traveled on until near midnight, when we 
turned out our animals, tied the dog to the wagon-tongue, to 
give us a guard, then all lay down and slept until day -light. 
We never camped near watering-places, nor near the road. 
Our reasons for camping away from water, and at least half a 
mile from the road, were to avoid the Indians. We never had a 
fire at night. 

The next day we found a large, fat 3^oung mule, with all its 
harness on. It had evidently been frightened during the battle 
find broke away from the command. It was fully forty miles 
from the battle ground. I was much in need of fresh animals, 
for mine were nearly given out. The finding of this mule, as we 
did, gave me renewed confidence in God, and strengthened my 
belief that he was leading us. 

The next day we traveled on in the same direction. The 
heavy rains had made the grass good. Buffalo were constantly 
in sight. We followed our course three days, when we struck 
the road again at a stream called Walnut Creek. Here we found 
a large Indian encampment, but the Indians were evidently out 
on a buffalo hunt. We crossed the creek and camped, conclud- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 191 

ing to cook our supper and let our animals eat and rest. It 
was no use trying to escape from the Indians, for I knew they 
had seen us and could capture us if they wished to do so. I 
concluded the best plan was to appear to be perfectly easy and 
without fear. Soon after camping, a band of over fifty warriors 
surrounded us. I offered to shake bands with them but they 
refused. I then offered them pins and needles and some calico 
that I had purchased to trade to the Spaniards. They took my 
profferd gifts and dashed them on the ground. I began to feel 
that although we had been delivered from many former dan- 
gers, our time had at last come. I remarked to Lieut. Gully, 
who was a true and faithful man : 

"Pray in your heart to God, and ask him to turn away the 
ire of these people. They have been abused by large parties of 
white men and soldiers. They think we are of that class, and 
that we are only friendly because we are in their power, but if 
they know who we are, that we have been sent to preach the 
gospel to them, and to learn them its truths through the Book of 
Mormon, they would die sooner than see us hurt." I saw an 
elderly-looking Indian turn and speak to a noble looking young 
warrior. They talked some time, and would occasionally turn 
and point to me. Then they all dismounted and came nearer to 
us. The old man raised his voice and talked in a loud tone, 
and in a rapid manner to his men, for about five or ten minutes. 
The young warrior then turned to us and spoke in plain English, 
Yery much to our surprise. He said: 

"Young man, this is my father. He is the head chief of the 
Osage Indians. I have been educated in the East. We came 
here with the intention of scalping you all. This tribe has been 
abused by what my father calls the pale-faces, though he wishes 
to be friendly with them. When a small part of this nation 
comes in contact with a larger force of pale-faces, they are shot 
and abused, but when the Indians have the advantage the pale 
faces are always wanting to be friends. We thought you were 
of that class, but now my father is satisfied you are good men. 
I have read the Book of Mormon to him and to our tribe. I got 
the book from a preacher, who was in the Cherokee Nation. My 
father wishes me to say to you that you shall not be hurt. If 
you wish any dried buffalo meat you can have all that you want. 
Do not be afraid, we will not harm you, but you had better re- 
main here until morning, for yon may fall in with some of my 



192 MOEMONISM UNVEILED. 

father's braves, who will not know who you are, and they will 
attack you. If 3^ou stay until morning, I will go with you until 
you are out of danger." I replied that my business was urgent, 
and we must go on, that we had letters from the Mormon battal- 
ion to their friends at home, and must go on at once. The 
young man then told the chief what I said. The chief then said, 
through the young warrior : 

" If you cannot stay, I will send word to the other chiefs not 
to hurt you. They may not see you, as they are away from the 
road, but I will send some hunters out to tell them to let you 
pass in safety." I then thanked them very kindly, and told 
them I was raised among the Delawares and Cherokees, that 
when a child, I used to play with them before they were re- 
moved to this country, and that I was still their friend. They 
then asked if we wanted any dried meat. I told them no, that 
I would prefer some fresh meat. I saw a buffalo near by, and 
asked them to kill it, and bring me some of the meat. One of 
the Indians rode for the buffalo at the full speed of his horse. 
The well-trained horse stopped when near the buffalo, and the 
Indian shot it down, then jumped from his horse and cut out a 
piece of the hump, and returned with it before we were ready to 
start. I then gave the Indians what trinkets we had, and started 
on again. It was now after sunset. 

Here was another manifestation of the providence of Almighty 
God. I felt so grateful for our deliverance that I could not re- 
strain my tears of gratitude. I care not what people may call 
me. I know there is a just God, and a rewarder of those that 
diligently seek Him. I know that my Redeemer liveth and I 
shall see Him for myself and not for another. Though the day 
of my execution is near at hand — four days only are given me to 
continue the history of my life — (this is March the 19th, 1877) — 
my trust is in that Arm that cannot be broken. Though men 
may err, and cruelly betray each other unto death, my life may 
be taken from this earth, but nevertheless the hope of my call- 
ing in Christ Jesus, my Lord, is the same with me. I am sure 
that I shall rest in peace. 1 must not suffer my feelings to over- 
come me, or destroy the thread of my narrative. I wish to con- 
tinue while time affords me a moment here, that my history may 
live when I am no more. 

The next day only two Indians came to us, but they could not 
talk English, and we could not speak their tongue, so we had no 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 193 

conversation. I am certain from the actions of the two Indians 
that the old chief had kept his word with us and notified his 
tribe to let us go on in safety. On reaching the Pawnee Fork, 
a tributary of the Arkansas River, we found Captain Bullard's 
train of thirty wagons. They lay by all day in search of eight 
of their mules, that had been stampeded by the Indians, although 
they had been picketed and closely guarded. The company 
could not find a trace of them. The men were a rough, boister- 
ous set, and, while our animals were very weary, I concluded it 
was still best to go further before camping. It was then rain- 
ing, but that made the traveling better, for the country was 
quite sand}^ We camped late that night at Ash Creek. We 
now felt that we were over the worst of our dangers, but we still 
had suflScient of trials before us to keep it from being a pleasure 
trip. Next morning our riding animals were unable to travel. 
They refused to go on. I again went to God in prayer and laid 
our case before Him, and asked that He would open up the way 
for our deliverance. That night I dreamed that I was exceed- 
ingly hungry and had little to eat, when five ears of large, solid 
corn were handed me by a person, who said, "This will do you 
until you get to where there is plenty." The ears of corn were 
of different colors ; one ear was jet black, but perfectly sound ; 
one was red, and one was yellow. I was much pleased with the 
corn and felt that there was not much danger of suffering now. 
The next morning our animals still looked fearfully bad ; only 
two of our riding animals cculd raise the trot. Lieut. Gully 
said unless God soon sent us some fresh animals we would have 
to give up. 

" We will not give up," said I. "God has protected us thus 
far and we must still trust in Him — in the eleventh hour of our 
trouble He will aid us. We will find help to-day." 

" I hope so," said he. 

He then said, " Have you been dreaming again? " 

I related to him my dream about the corn, and said I thought 
the ears of corn meant mules. After prayer (we always kneeled 
in praj^er, night and morning) we started on our way. The 
mules could hardly travel. We made about six miles, when we 
saw fresh tracks made by shod animals, that appeared to be 
dragging long ropes and pins. The tracks were following the 
road, going in the same direction that we were traveling. We 
had a long down grade before us. The plain was dotted here 
13 



194 3I0R3I0NISM UNVEILED. • 

and there with herds of buffalo. I halted and took up my 
spy-glass, and took a careful survey of the country. My efforts 
were rewarded by the sight of a number of mules feeding among 
the buffalo. We went on until we arrived as near them as we 
could get without leaving the road. We called a halt, turned 
our mules loose, then took out the oil-cloth that I had to feed 
the mules on, and took a little of the grain v/e had left, and put 
it on the cloth. The strange mules saw it, and came running 
up to us to get a feed of grain. We then got hold of the ropes 
that were on the necks of four of the mules, and tied them to- 
gether. There was a black mare mule that was quite shy, but 
I finally caught the rope that was on her neck. The mule at 
once came at me with her ears turned back and mouth open. 
She caught me by the arm and bit me severely, then turned and 
ran away. Lieutenant Gully said: 

*' Let her go, she will kill some of us." 

"No, we will not let her go, we need all the mules," said I. 

I again caught her, and she made for me again, but I caught 
the rope near the end where it was fastened to an iron pin, and 
struck her a blow with the pin, which knocked her down. I then 
placed my knee on her neck, and caught her by the nose with 
my hands. I held her this way until a bridle was put on her, 
after which we were able to manage her easily. I then hitched 
this wild mule to the wagon by the side of Friendship. We then 
had fresh riding animals, and turned our jaded ones loose, and 
drove them before us. At Kane Creek we lost the mule that I 
got from the soldiers at Santa Fe. It drank more of the alkali 
water than was good for it, so we left it on the plains and went 
our way. We saw so many fresh Indian signs around there that 
we knew we had no time to stay attending sick mules. A 
few nights afterwards I saw a large body of Indians among the 
cedars on a mountain, not far off, but our lucky star was guiding 
us, for soon after that we met three hundred soldiers, with whom 
we camped that night. The force was so strong that the Indians 
did not attack us. Next da}^ we met soldiers very frequently, 
and every few hours we would meet a body of troops from that 
time until we reached Fort Leavenworth. It was storming very 
hard when we got to St. Joseph, Missouri. We put up at a ho- 
tel, but before our animals were in the stable, Egan was gone, 
and I could not find him that night, yet we searched for him 
very diligently. I was fearful that he would be robbed, but he 



LIFE OF JOim D. LEE. I95 

happened to meet some honest men who put him in bed, and 

kept him and his money in safety until morning, when we found 

him. 

After leaving St. Joseph, where we had purchased a lot of 
supplies, we started for winter quarters, and had to go throuo-h 

from six to ten feet of snow, the whole distance. We reached 
our friends in safety. I had two hundred dollars that the sol- 
diers had made me a present of. I took three of the mules we 
had found on the way, and divided the others between my com- 
panions. We reached winter quarters, now called Florence 
■on the 15th day of December, 1846. The snow was deep, my 
family all living in tents, and in a suffering condition ; but I 
must report first, as it is usual to pay homage to the man of 
■God, Brigbam Young, then attend to my family, but when I 
saw my family exposed to the pelting storms of Winter, while all 
others had comfortable log houses, I was angry. I cannot say I 
was disappointed, for it was not the first time that Bri^ham 
Young and others in authority had broken their promises made 
to me. My family received me as they always did, with open 
^rms and thankful hearts. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

LEE IS TREATED BADLY BY THE ' ' 

I HAD brought home with me about all that my team coukl 
haul of supplies, clothing, groceries, etc., which soon made 
my family comfortable. I had met President Young and shaken 
hands with him, but had not made m}^ report or delivered the 
money to him. The next morning the President called to see 
me, and notified me that the Council would meet at nine o'clock 
at Dr. Richards', and for me to be there and make my report. 
He appeared greatly ashamed at the manner my family had 
been treated. I said : 

"President Young, how does this compare with your prom- 
ises to me, when I trusted all to you? I took my life in my 
hands and went into that Indian country, on that perilous trip, a 
distance of two thousand two hundred miles, through savage 
foes, to carry out your orders. I have found things as I feared 
they would be. When I started I asked you to care for my 
family, and you promised all that I asked of you. Now I see all 
my family exposed to the storm ; they, of all the camp, are with- 
out houses. My best cattle have been butchered and eaten, but 
not by my family. The choice beef has been given to your 
favorites, and the refuse given to my wives and children." The 
President replied : 

"Brother John, I am ashamed of the conduct of this people. 
I have mentioned the situation of your family several times, but 
the brethren did not feel like building houses for others until 
they had their own houses completed. I was intending this 
very day to call a meeting and have the brethren turn out and 
build houses for your famil5^ Do not blame me, Brother John, 
for I have done the best that I could." Then putting his hand 
on my shoulder, he said: "Don't feel bad about it. You will 
live tbroui^h, and the day will come when we can look back and 
196 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. I97 

see what we have endured for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake, 
and will rejoice that we have passed through it." Then he 
wound up by saying, "Lord bless you. Brother John. You can 
now begin and make your family more comfortable than nine- 
tenths of these people, for it does not take you long to put things 
in shape. Come, cheer up, and you shall have $100 of the 
money for your services, and you can make a thousand out of 
it." But this, like all his other promises, fell to the ground, for 
I never got a cent of the money. 

I met the Council, and made my report, and handed over the 
checks for the money sent home by the soldiers. I received 
blessings without end, but all of them to come in the future, and 
also on condition that I remained faithful to the end. 

Allow me to jump from 1847 to 1877, just thirty years, 
and let the future tell my experience of that time, and 
what my prospects are to-day. As I said, my promised 
blessings were all to be received in the future, and that too 
upon condition that I remained faithful to the end. I was 
adopted by Brigham Young, and was to seek his temporal in- 
terests here, and in return he was to seek my spiritual salvation, 
I being an heir of his family, and was to share his blessings in 
common with his other heirs. True to my pledges, I have at all 
times tried to do his bidding. I have let him direct my energies 
in all things. And now the time has come for me to prepare to 
receive my reward. An offering must be made, and I must pre- 
pare the wood and build the altar ; then, as Abraham of old did 
with his son Isaac, be placed upon the altar as the sacrifice. But 
the Lord, or Abraham, had a ram tied in the thicket, when the 
hand of the Lord stretched forth and staid the fatal blow. But 
Idoubt whether my /a^/ier Brigham has been as thoughtful as 
Abraham was, I think not ; I must meet my fate without mur- 
muring or complaining. I must tamely submit, and be true to the 
end. I must not speak a word against the Lord's anointed, for 
if I do, I must lose the blessings promised for all that I have 
done. If I endure firm to the end, I will receive the martyr's 
crown, and my son will represent me here on earth, and carry 
on my work for an eternal state. This, to me, appears to be a 
hard way to receive my pay. I would rather lose the debt, 
and begin anew, if I could. But it is now too late for escape 
from the fate that awaits me. It is said that experience teaches 



198 MOBMOXISM UNVEILED. 

a dear school, and that fools will learn at no other. I fear that I 
have paid a little too miiCh for mine. 

M}^ first duty was to build some comfortable houses for my 
family. Soon afterwards I was sent to St. Joseph to cash the 
checks and purchase some goods to supply the wants of the peo- 
ple. I was directed to purchase a lot of salt and potatoes from 
a Frenchman at Trading Point. I did so, and bought $300 
worth on credit and sent them back to the settlement. I had to 
borrow the money from Mrs. Armstrong to pay the $300 debt. 
But she was afterwards sealed to me, and it was then all in the 
family, and I never asked Brigham Young for it and he never 
offered to pay it. He owes it to me yet. On that trip to St.. 
Joseph I bought $1,500 worth of goods, such as were needed at 
the settlement. I advanced $700 of my own money and the re- 
mainder was from the money sent home by the Mormon Battal- 
ion. I took the goods back and we opened a store at winter 
quarters. A. P. Kockwood acted as chief clerk and salesman. 
We sold the goods at a great advance. What cost us seven 
cents at St. Joseph, we sold at sixty-five cents, and everything 
was sold at a similar profit. I kept the stock up during the 
Winter and did a good business. One drawback was this : many 
of the families of the men who were in the Mormon Battalion 
had no money, and we had to let them have goods on credit, but 
I had to stand the loss myself, for few of the men ever paid a 
dollar due me when they returned. Andrew Little was in the 
battalion, and at the request of Brigham Young I let his family 
have $258 worth of goods, and Brigham said I should have my 
money when Little returned, but I never got any of it. Little 
vfas also an adopted son of Brigham Young, and consequently 
did about as he pleased. James Pace, Thomas Woolsey, and a 
few others of the soldiers, paid me when they returned, for what 
I had advanced their families, but the majority never paid. 
AVhen I returned from Santa Fe I found David Young, his wife 
and two daughters, lying sick and helpless ; really in want. I 
took care of them and supplied them with food and such articles 
as they required, until the death of the father, mother and one 
son, which took place in a short time — a few months after my 
return home. I had baptized this family in Putnam County, 
Tennessee, and felt a great interest in them. The two girls were 
sealed to me while we staid at winter quarters, and became 
members of my family. They are both still living. By them I 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. I99 

have three sons and three daughters. They were sealed to me 
in 18J:7. I was also sealed to Nancy Armstrong the same even- 
ing that I took the Young girls to wife. A few evenings after- 
wards I was sealed to Erneline Woolsey. She was m}^ thirteenth 
wife. Nancy Armstrong's maiden name was Gibbons. She was 
the wife of a wealthy merchant by the name of Armstrong, who 
owned a large establishment in Louisville, Kentucky, and an- 
other in Carlisle, Kentucky, at which places he did business as 
wholesale and retail dealer in dry goods. I became acquainted 
with the family at Carlisle, Overton County, Tennessee, while 
preaching there. The people of Carlisle were bitter enemies of 
the Mormon Church, and a mob threatened to tar and feather 
me one night, when Armstrong took me home with him and pro- 
tected me. He was not a believer in any religion, but I always 
considered him a high-minded, honorable man. I afterwards 
stopped at the house often. His wife and sister Sarah were 
believers in the Mormon faith, but as Mr. Armstrong was not, I 
advised his wife not to become a member of the Church, and re- 
fused to baptize her until such time as her husband would con- 
sent to it. Elder Smoot afterwards baptized Sarah Gibbons and 
Nancy Armstrong. 

Brother Smoot had taken his wife with him on the mission, 
and she laid the plan to get Sarah to go to Nauvoo. A wagon 
was sent to take Sarah Gibbons' goods to Nauvoo, and in it Mrs. 
Armstrong sent her valuable clothing and jewelry, amounting to 
some two thousand dollars. She intended to join the Saints 
at the first chance. A few months after Sarah had gone Mrs. 
Armstrong got the consent of her husband that she might pay 
a visit to her sister and the Church at Nauvoo ; he fitted her 
up in fine st3'le, sending two serving maids to wait on her. Soon 
after she left home, the friends of Armstrong advised him to 
stop his slaves at St. Louis, if he wanted to keep them, for his 
wife would never return to him. Armstrong stopped the slaves, 
and his wife went on to Nauvoo, where she staid until the Saints 
left that place after the death of the Prophet. I am satisfied 
that Smoot laid the plan to get Mrs. Armstrong to Nauvoo, so 
he could be sealed to her and get her propert}^ Sarah Gibbons 
was sealed to Elder Smoot, but Mrs. Armstrong would not con- 
consent to take him as her husband, but she lived in the family 
until she got disgusted with Smoot' s cruel treatment of her 
sister. She loaned him nearly all her money and he never paid 



200 3I0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

it back ; he wanted the rest of il» but she refused to let him 
have it ; he then refused to take her with him across the plains. 
She told her griefs to my wife Rachel, and Rachel brought 
about the marriage between her and myself. 

Mrs. Armstrong said to Rachel that I was the first man on 
earth to bring the gospel to her, and that she had always had a 
great regard for me since she first saw me, but that I appeared 
to treat her coldly. Rachel told her that I always spoke kindly 
of her, and that the reason I had not been more friendly, was 
because I had thought she wanted to become a member of Broth- 
er Smoot's family ; that she had heard me speak of her in terms 
of praise many times. Finally she came to my house and I 
asked her in the presence of my wives, if she wished to become a 
member of my family. She said she did. My wives advised me 
to be sealed to her, and as the matter was agreeable all round, I 
did so. Brigham Young sealed her and the Young girls to me. 
She was a true, afi'ectionate woman. My whole famll}^ respected 
her. She was forty-eight years of age when she was sealed to 
me, and she was a true wife until her death. In all matters of 
this kind I tried to act from principle and not from passion. 
Yet I do not pretend to say that all such acts were directed by 
principle, for I know they were not. I am not blind to my own 
faults. I have been a proud, vain man, and in my younger days 
I thoug;ht I was perfection. In those days I did not almost 
make due allowance for the failings of the iveaker vessels. 1 then 
expected perfection in all women. I know now that I was fool- 
ish in looking for that in anything human. I have, for slight of- 
fences, turned away good meaning young women that had been 
sealed to me and refused to hear their excuses, but sent them 
away heart-broken. In this I did wrong. I have regretted the 
same in sorrow for many years. Two of the young women so 
used, still have warm hearts for me, notwithstanding my unnatural 
conduct toward them. They were 3^oung and in the prime of 
life when I sent them from me. They have since married again, 
and are the mothers of nice families. They frequently send 
letters to comfort me in my troubles and afflictions, but their 
kind remembrances only serve to add to my self-reproach for 
m}^ cruel treatment of them in past years. I banished them 
from me for less offences than I had myself been guilty of. 
Should my history ever fall into the hands of Emeline Woolse}^ or 
Polly Ann Workman, I wish them to know that, with my last 



LIFjE of JOim D. LEE. 201 

breath, I ask God to pardon me for the wrong I did them, v/hen 
I drove them from me, poor young girls as they were. 

President Young built a grist mill during the Winter, and 
grbund meal for the people, charging a heavy toll for all that 
the mill ground. In the Spring I was ordered to go out and 
preach, and raise thirty-three wagons and the mules and harness 
to draw them. I succeeded in getting thirty of the teams. 
Brigham Young told me to go again, that he asked for thirty- 
three teams, not for thirty. I went again, and preached so that 
I soon had the other teams. I then turned the whole outfit over 
to Brigham Young, so he could send his pioneers out to look up 
a new home for the Saints. I then offered to go with the com- 
pany, but Brigham Young said : 

" I cannot spare you ; I can spare others better than you.'* 

He then directed me to take my family and a company, and 
go and raise corn for the people. He said : 

' ' I want 3^ou to take a company, with your family, and go up 
the river, and open up a farm, and raise grain and vegetables 
to feed the needy, and the soldiers' families, for we cannot de- 
pend on hauling our substance from Missouri, to feed so many 
as we have on our hands. I want so much grain raised that all 
will be supplied next Winter, for we must feed our animals grain 
if we wish them to cross the plains next Spring. There is an old 
military fort about eighteen miles above here, where the land 
was once farmed, and that land is in good condition for farming 
now. We will leave Father Morley in charge of the various 
settlements. Brother Heber C. Kimball will send some of his 
boys and make another farm this side of there." 

Then turning to Father Morley, he said : 

" I want John to take charge of the farming interests and the 
settlement, at my place, and you must counsel and advise with 
him from time to time. I want j^ou and all the brethren to un- 
derstand that the land nearest the settlement is to be divided 
between John and his wives, for they are all workers, and the 
others are to go further for their land." 

I said that kind of an arrangement would not give satisfaction 
to the people, and that there were some of his adopted sons 
now jealous of me, and I feared the consequences, and preferred 
that the land be divided nearer equal. 

He said, " Who are they that are jealous of you? " 

I named several persons to him. In reply he said, naming a 



202 M0BM0XIS2I UNVEILED. 

man, be would work all day under the shade of a tree. Another, 
he said, could work all day in a half-bushel. Then he said: 

" Such men will do but little; let them go to some outside 
place for their land. I want those who will work to have the 
best land. Let each family have an acre near by for a garden 
and truck patch. And now, Father Morley, I want you to see 
that John and his family have all the cleared land that they can 
tend, for I know they will raise a good crop, and when it is 
raised we can all share it with him. I want a company to follow 
Brother Lee, about the first of May, when the grass is good, of 
such men as can fit themselves out comfortably. My brother, 
John Young, will lead them, and Jedde Grant will be the 
Captain." 

Then he turned to me and said : 

"Brother John D., I want you to fit my brother John out. If 
he needs oxen let him have them, and I will pay them back 
again ; see that he gets a good outfit. When he leaves here 
Father Morley will take charge of the Church. I want the Breth- 
ren to do as John D. tells them; he carries a good influence 
wherever he goes ; no evil reports follow him from his field of 
labor ; all respect him, and that is good evidence to me that he 
carries himself straight." 

I then settled up my business at the winter quarters. Presi- 
dent Young was indebted to the firm $285 ; of course he had not 
the money to settle the account, and he was just starting to look 
out a resting place for the Saints. His first adopted son, A. P. 
Rockwood, our salesman, could not spare a dollar to help his 
Father, Brigham Young, so the loss of that sum of money fell 
on me. 

I told my adopted father, Brigham Young, that he was wel- 
come to the $285. Before he left for the new land of promise, he 
said to me, 

" My son John, what shall I do for you?" 

I said, " Select me an inheritance when you find the resting- 
place." 

"I will remember you. May Heaven bless you. I bless 
you. Be a good boy. Keep an account of how each man, un- 
der your charge, occupies his time, while I am gone." 

He then said I was to have half of all the improvements that 
were made, and half of the crop that was raised by the company 
that I fitted out with teams, seed and provisions. The pioneer 




BRIGHAM YOUNG. 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 203" 

company started April 1st, 1847. We moved to our new locfi- 
tion, and called it Summer Quarters. We laid out a fort to pro- 
tect us from the Indians, as they were troublesome. We then 
laid off our land. I found out that if I obeyed orders, it would 
require all the cleared land for my family, so I took and laid off 
three acres for each family — there were thirty-seven families — 
for gardens, and I took the balance. Although I had given each 
family three times as much land, for a garden and truck-patch, 
as Brigham Young had ordered, still the people found a great 
deal of fault with me. Mrs. Armstrong had some money left, 
and she told me to take it, and send for supplies and seed-corn. 
I did take it, and sent four teams to Missouri for seed-corn and 
provisions, and then put all hands to work building the fort, put- 
ting the land in order for the crop, etc. About the first of May, 
thirty-eight warriors of the Oto tribe came to our camp. They 
were in full paint, and on the war-path. They came in on the yell,- 
and at full speed. It was just after daylight; I was laying the 
foundation of a house when they came to me. I threw logs 
against them the same as if I did not see them, but most of the 
brethren kept out of sight. The Indians began to build a fire 
in my garden, and one of them raised his gun to shoot one of 
my oxen, which the boys were then driving up. The majority 
of the Indians then formed a half-circle, holding their bows fully 
sprung, and commenced a regular war dance. We were told 
not to shoot Indians, but to take sticks and whale them when 
they commenced any depredations. As the Indian took the 
leather-casing from his gun, so that he could shoot, I rushed at 
him with a heavy club, with the intention of knocking down as 
many of them as I could. I could speak their language some, 
so I told them I would kill them all if they shot my ox. They 
saw that I meant what I said. Then the two chiefs held out 
their hands, and yelled to the warrior not to shoot. He lowered 
his gun and returned to the crowd, but he was very angry. 
The other Indians seemed amazed, and stood as if they were 
paralyzed. Old man A. K. Knight followed me with a club, 
and stood by me all the time. Joseph Busby said: 
"Hold on. Brother Lee, they out-number us." 
"Out-number h— 1," said I, "there are not Indians enough 
in their whole nation to make me stand by and see them shoot 
down my oxen before my eyes." 

Busby then ran into the house to load my gun, but he was so 



204 3I0BM0Nimi UNVEILED. 

frightened he could not get the powder in the gun, so my wife, 
Kachel, loaded it for him. I looked around to see how things 
were, and I saw seven of my loives standing with guns in their 
hands, ready to shoot if J was attacked. 

I succeeded in driving tlie whole band of Indians away from 
the settlement. 

Sometime after the Indians had gone away an old chief re- 
turned and brought an ax, that he said one of his braves had 
stolen. I gave him a little ammunition and some bread, and he 
left me as a friend. My firm stand saved the settlement at that 
time and secured it from molestation in the future. The Indians 
never bothered us at Summer Quarters again. In the Fall they 
made us a friendly visit, and called me a Sioux Captain. Near 
our settlement there was an abundance of wild game — deer, tur- 
key, prairie chickens, ducks, geese, brant, squirrels, etc., which 
oave us much of our food during our stay there. We worked 
diligently and raised an abundant crop of corn aad vegetables. 
We built good, comfortable houses, and made the floors and 
roofs of bass-wood, which was abundant, near by, and worked 
easily. In July the people were nearly all sick. The fever and 
ague were nearly a contagion. Other diseases were not uncom- 
mon. In August and September seventeen of our people died. 
During those months we had hardly a sufficient number of well 
people to attend to the sick. The most of my family wfere very 
sick. My little son, Heber John, the child of my first wife, 
Agatha Ann, died ; also David Young, Sr., the father of my two 
wives, Polly and Louisa ; also their brother, David Young, Jr. 
I also lay at the point of death for some time. I was in a trance 
about one hour and a half. While in this condition my wives, 
Eachel A. and Nancy G., stood over me like guardian angels, 
and prayed constantly for me. My spirit left the ])ody and I was 
taken into another sphere, where I saw myriads of people — many 
of whom I was acquainted with and had known on earth. The 
atmosphere that they dwelt in was pure and hallowed. Pain 
and sorrow were unknown, or at least were not felt there. All 
was joy and peace. Each spirit was blest with all the pleasure 
its abiUty enabled it to comprehend and enjoy. They had full 
knowledge of the earthly doings and also of the sphere where 
they were so blest. The glory of God shone upon them, and the 
power of Heaven overshadowed them all, and was to them a per- 
fect shield from all temptations and dangers. I was anxious to 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 205 

remain there, but the spirits told me that I must return to the 
body and remain in it until my appointed time for death — that 
my work on earth was not yet finished. I obeyed, but did so 
with great reluctance, and once more entered the body, then ap- 
parently lifeless upon the bed of sickness. After taking posses- 
sion of the body again I lay some time in deep thought, contem- 
plating the majesty of God's works. I then spoke to my faith- 
ful nurses, and told them of what I had done, heard and wit- 
nessed. I soon recovered from my sickness, but my life was for 
some time a misery to me. • I longed to join that angelic host 
that I had so lately visited in their mansions of glory and pleas- 
ure, where I knew I was to go when I could escape from this 
body of earthly material. This feeling of anxiety to go to my 
eternal rest was greatly strengthened by the bitter, malignant 
actions of men who acted like demons toward me and mine. 
Every species of intrigue and meanness was resorted to by some 
of the brethren to injure and torment me. They were jealous 
of me and anxious to provoke me to violence. Everything that 
envy and hatred could suggest was tried, to break up and scat- 
ter m}^ family. Finally they reported to Father Morley that 
nothing but a change of rulers in the settlement would bring 
peace again. 

Father Morley came, with several Elders, and called a meet- 
ing, at which he heard all the parties state their grievances 
against me. He then told them that they had brought nothing 
against me that reflected upon me as presiding officer ; that I 
had acted well and for the best interest of the entire people ; 
that all the trouble was from the wrong acts of the people. 

One of the brethren, C. Kennedy, proposed a change. He 
wanted a High Priest to preside instead of a Seventy. I was 
tired of my position and consented to the change. A man by 
the name of Fuller was selected b}^ Kennedy to rule over the 
people. Father Morley put the question to a vote of the peo- 
ple, and said that all who wished for a change of rulers should 
hold up their hands. Only two hands were raised. Then he 
said that all who wished me to remain in charge should raise 
their hands, when every person present but two \'bted that I 
should still be the ruler of that people at Summer Quarters. 

Father Morley then called upon the two brethren who voted 
against me to get up and tell what they had against me. They 
could give no good reason for wanting a change. They said 



206 M0B2I0NISM UNVEILED. 

i\iQy never lived by a better neighbor or kinder hearted man 
than I was, but that I was too kind ; that I let the people run 
over me ; that they voted for a change believing it would tend 
to unite the people and satisfy those who had been raising the 
fuss and finding fault. 

Father Morley told them it was wrong to vote against a good 
man for such reasons. He then talked to the people on the 
principles of their religion for some time, and advised them to 
forsake their evil ways, for they were going in a way that led to 
hell. etc. 

This ended my troubles for a short time, but I soon found out 
that my enemies had only let go their hold so they could spit on 
their hands and get a better one. They next asked to be allowed 
to organize a police force for the protection of the settlement. 
This was to be entirel}^ separate from me. I granted their re- 
quest. It was next decicied to build an estray pound. A meet- 
ing was called and it was agreed that each man should build 
fence in proportion to the amount of stock that he owned, and 
that the public corral should be used for the estray pound. 
But no stock should be put into the pound until all the fencing 
was done, the gates set up, etc. I at once completed my fenc- 
ing, but the grumblers had no time to work; they were kept 
busy finding fault. (This whole thing was a subterfuge to bother 
me ; there was no need of a pound, as our cattle were all herded 
in day lime and corraled at night. But I submitted, for I knew 
I could live by their laws as well as they could.) One evening 
soon after that, as the cattle were being driven up for the night, 
one of my oxen ran through a brush fence and got into a patch 
of corn. The herdsman ran him out in a moment. Instead of 
holding the herder resi)onsible for the damage, or coming to me 
to make a complaint and demanding pay for the damage, they 
took my ox out of the corral, and, contrary to the vote of the 
people, took and tied him up to Wm. Pace's private corral. I 
was the only man there who had made his fence, as ordered by 
the meeting. I did not know that they had my ox tied up (for 
the work had not been done yet to justify putting any stoclv in 
the pound). Next morning I sent some of my boys out to yoke 
up my oxen, when they returned and informed me that one of 
my oxen was missing, I soon found the ox, and demanded its 
release. I was told I must pay $20 before I could have tije ox, 
^nd that I must pay it in money, I saw this was done to worry 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 207 

me, so I sent word that I would pay in any kind of property that 
I bad. Tliey refused everything but money or butter. I had 
neither to spare, and they well knew it. I was still weak from 
my recent sickness, but I walked over and had a talk with Wm. 
Pace and tried to reason with him, but all to no purpose. I 
told him he should take pay for damage done by stock in the 
kind of property that the stock injured, but no, I must pay 
money or butter, or lose my ox. I reflected a moment and con- 
eluded that forbearance had ceased to be a virtue ; that unless I 
defended my rights I would soon be without anything worth 
protecting. I then walked into the yard and untied the ox, and 
told my boy to drive him home. Pace stood by the gate with 
a large cane, but made no resistance ; in fact he was not a 
bad man, but was being misled by bad company. Kennedy, 
Busby, Dunn, and others, were a little way off. They saw me, 
and came running to me. Charles Kennedy was the bully of the 
camp, and the leader of those against me. He came up and said, 

"If I had been here you would not have turned tha^ ox out. 
I would have switched you if you had tried it." 

I said, "Kennedy, I have lost property enough through the 
police without your oppressing me any more." 

I had lost ten head of mules just before that by the dis- 
honesty of the police. I then said I lost my mules by the failure 
of the police to do their duty, and I would not be imposed on 
in this way any more. He then shoved his fist under my nose. 
I parried his blow, and told him that he would do well to keep 
at a proper distance from me. He again made a pass at me. 
I then threw down my hat and said : 

" If you attempt that again you must take what follows." 

He came at me the third time, and as he did so I aimed to 
spoil his face, but he dropped his head as I struck, and the blow 
took effect on his eye-brow, and badly sprained my thumb. V{q 
were on a little knoll, full of the stumps of small ti'ees that had 
been cut down. Kennedy caught hold of me and commenced 
shoving me back. I knew that ioa.y strength would not last long. 
I did not wish to risk having a tussel among the stumps. JSo I 
backed out towards the cleared ground. I fastened my left 
hand in his long black hair to steady myself, and as I reached the 
flat ground, I suddenly sprang back, breaking his hold, b}^ tear- 
ing my shirt. I then jerked him forward to an angle of forty- 
five degrees, and planted my fist square in his face ; stopping 



208 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

back, and drawing him after me, I kept gradually feeding him 
in the face with my fist, the blood spurting from him all over 
me. The crowd saw their bully getting the worst of it, so they 
ran in to help him. Brother Teeples caught me around the 
arms, to prevent me from striking any more. My Rachel, who 
was standing by, called to her brother, James Woolsey, and he 
came and took hold of Kennedy and separated us. 

I was very sorry that this fight took place, for I was forced 
to admit that I had fearfully punished the bully, his face was 
badly bruised. This suited the people ; I had shown violence, 
and now they could lay a charge against me that they thought 
would stand. 

I was at once cited to appear before the High Council, and be 
dealt with according to the rules of the Church, for a breach of 
the peace and unchristian conduct. The whole people were not 
against me, only a few ; but there were enough of them to keep 
up a constant broil. They then began consecrating my property 
to their own use ; killed my cattle, and ate them, and stole 
nearly everything that was loose. They stole wheat from my 
graineries, had it ground and eat it, and bragged about it. 
Kennedy, by the evil influences he commanded, induced my 
young wife, Emeline, to leave me and go to his house, and she 
went with his family to Winter Quarters. That was the reason 
that I turned her away and refused to take her back again. She 
repented and wished to come back, but I would not take her 
again. Similar influences were brought to bear on all of my 
family, but without much success. Such horrid treatment was 
not calculated to bind me to such a people, whose only aim ap- 
peared to be to deprive me of every comfort and enjoyment that 
mnde life endurable. I was in great trouble ; in place of friends 
I had found enemies. There was a great struggle in my mind 
to decide what I should do. I looked upon those of my family 
that remained true and shared my persecutions, and knew that 
if I left the Church I could not keep and live with them ; that if 
I left I must part with all but my first wife and her children — to 
do so was worse than death. I did not know what to do. 

I finally appeared before the High Council to meet my accus- 
ers, who had formed a combination to destroy me. I had but 
few friends to defend me, and they were in a measure powerless. 
They dared not speak their mind in my behalf. Father Morley 
was true to me to the last, though he was becoming unpopu- 



LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE. 200 

lar on account of having so long supported me. Lieut. Samuel 
Gully was another true friend of mine ; he said he would never 
turn against me until I had done something wrong, even if Brig- 
ham Young should desire him to do so. This at once lost him 
his influence in the Council. The most willful and damnable lies 
were brought up against me. Many things which had been said 
and done in moments of amusement and jocularity were brought 
up, as if I had said and done the things for wicked purposes. 
Everything that could be discovered or invented to injure me 
was laid to my charge. All who were against me had a full 
chance to talk. Then Aaron Johnson, who was there, but not as 
a member of the Council, was called upon to fill a vacancy occa- 
sioned by the absence of some member. He made a speech to 
the Council, and showed them where I had acted well ; he then 
voted for my acquittal. James W. Cummings, who had been a 
member of the Council when I was first tried in the Summer, and 
who then took my part, now thought he would make him- 
self popular with the people, so he volunteered his evidence and 
gave false evidence against me. This man's action was very 
wrong and uncharitable. I had been more than a brother to 
him in the past ; I had supplied his family with food many times 
when they would have suffered but for the help I gave them. 
This man is still a pet of Brigham Young's. The result of that 
trial was that I was ordered to confess that I had been in fault, 
and that I was alone to blame, and must ask the people to for- 
give me. If I refused I was to be cut off from the Church. To 
a man in my situation it was equivalent to death to be cut off 
from the Church ; my wives would be taken from me, my prop- 
erty consecrated to the Church, and I turned adrift, broken and 
disgraced, and liable to suffer death at the hand of any brother 
of the Church who wished to take my life, either to save my soul 
or for purposes of revenge. 

I replied that in justice to myself I could not make such a 
confession, but that, if nothing else would do, I would say, as 
the Council demands me to say, I would make the confession. 
I was told that this would not do ; that no whipping of the devil 
around a stump would do them ; my confession must be full and 
•unconditional. What the result would have been I cannot say, 
for just then a messenger returned, saying President Young was 
near at hand, on his return with the pioneers who had gone out 
with him to look for a resting place for the Saints. This stopped 
14 



210 MOEMONISM UNVEILED. 

all further proceedings. The majority of the people rushed 
forth to meet Brigham Young. 

I returned home, conscious of my own innocence and willing 
that the people should have the first show to talk to the Presi- 
dent and give him their side of the case. I did this in part so I 
could tell how much he could be stuffed. The people told their 
story and misrepresented me in ever}^ way ; they told him how I 
had divided the land, and said that I and Father Morley both 
said that he had ordered me and my family to take the cleared 
land. This Brigham Young flatly denied, and he never told a 
meaner lie in his life than that one, for he had insisted upon my 
taking much more of it than I did. He accused Father Morley 
and myself of being liars. 

After that there was nothing left undone by many of the peo- 
ple that would irritate or injure me or my family. My property 
was stolen, my fences broken down, and ever3'thing that mean 
men could imagine or work up by acting in combination in 
studying deviltry was done to make life a burden to me. I 
had raised over seven thousand bushels of corn, and every one 
had a good crop. I had a large lot filled up in the husk, and I 
let my cattle run to it so as to keep them fat during the Winter, 
that I might drive them over the plains in the Spring. The rot- 
ten-hearted police took advantage of my position, and drove 
my cattle from my own corn-pile and put them into the estray 
pound, and charged me fifty dollars for thus illegally putting my 
cattle in the pound. I off"ered to put all the corn I had into their 
hands as security, until I could have a meeting called to exam- 
ine into the charge. I wanted my cows at home, for we needed 
the milk. I had a large family, and many little children that 
would suffer without milk. Half the men in the settlement 
oftered to go my security for the payment of the fifty dollars, if 
a meeting decided that I should pay it ; but all to no purpose. 
The police wanted the milk themselves, and so they kept my 
cows. I sent Lieutenant Gully to Brigham Young with a state- 
ment of the case, but he paid no attention to it. GuU}^ was 
well acquainted with Brigham Young, and was a fine man too. 
He insisted on giving Brigham the story in full, and demanded 
that he should go in person and see to the matter. But the 
President was immovable. 

Things stood this way until Emeline, one of Brigham's wives, 
took the matter to heart, and begged him to go and see about 



LIFE OF JOIIX D. LEE. 211 

the affair, and asked him to bring her to my house, to visit her 
sister Louisa, then one of my wives. He came, but said httle 
of the trouble, and soon left again. 

Two days afterwards I wrote Brigham Young a kind letter, 
and invited him to come to my house and eat a turkey dinner 
with me. I sent this by L. Stewart. He met Brigham on his 
way to my house and gave him my letter. I did not expect he 
would come to see me, but he was there. He treated me most 
kindly. When supper-time came he said to one of my wives, 

"Sister, I have come for a bowl of good milk, but skim the 
cream off." 

She rephed, "We have no milk." 

"How is that?" said he. "I thought Brother John always 
had milk." 

I then told him that the police had my cows in the pound. 
He said, "What on earth are they doing with your cows?" 
I then told him the whole story in a few words. He scarcely 
waited to hear me, but called to his carriage driver, George D. 
Grant, and said, 

"Come, George, I will go and see about this matter." 
He returned quite soon, saying, "Your cows will soon be 
here, and I do not think the police will meddle with them again." 
He then asked me where my turkey was. I told him myl"riend 
Kennedy had robbed me of all my turkeys, but perhaps I could 
borrow one from him. I then sent Brother Gully to ask Ken- 
nedy to loan me a couple of fat turkeys ; that I had President 
Y'oung at my house and wanted them for his supper. He sent 
back word that President Young was welcome toall the turkeys 
he wanted, at his house. I then told President Young I would 
go out hunting and get him a nice one for dinner tlie next day. 
I went out tiiat night with Gully and hunted some time, but the 
snow was a foot deep or more, and a crust had frozen on the top 
of it, so it was difficult hunting. At last we found a large drove 
of turkeys at roost in the tall cottonwood timber. I shot two of 
them by star light; one fell in the river, and we lost it, but the 
other fell dead at the roots of the tree. This was a very large 
and fat turkey. I considered it would do, and we returned 
home with it. We had been gone only a Uttle over an hour. 
Brigham Young staid at my house while I was gone. We sat by 
the fire and talked until near midnight. I unbosomed myself to 
him ; I told him of all my ill treatment, and asked him if 1 had 



212 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

failed in any respect to perform the duties of my mission that he 
gave me before he started with the pioneers across the plains. 
I told him of the great crop we had raised ; that we had it in 
abundance to feed the poor and for every purpose ; so much in 
fact that there was no sale for it. He said, 

"You have done well, and you shall be blessed for it." 
I said I hoped my blessings would be different from what I 
had been receiving. He replied, 

"Jesus has said, In this world you shall have tribulation, but 
in Me you shall have peace — that is, if you bear these things pa- 
tiently, without murmuring." 



Note. — The time having arrived for John D. Lee to start to 
the place of execution, he laid down his pen and left his manu- 
script just as I have given it to the reader. Fate decreed that 
his Autobiography should be left in this unfinished state, but 
fortunately he had previously dictated a full confession to me, 
embracing all the principal events of his life from the time that 
his Autobiography closed up to his death ; which, being added 
to his own manuscript, makes his life complete. The Confes- 
sion is given just as he dictated it to me, without alteration or 
elimination, except in a few cases where the ends of justice 
might have been defeated by premature revelations. 

Extracts from this Confession have heretofore been given ta 
the press, but the entire Confession has not been published any- 
where except in this book. 

Wm. W. Bishop. 



LAST CONFESSION AND STATEMENT OF 
JOHN D. LEE. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

WRITTEN AT HIS DICTATION AND DELIVERED TO WILLIAM W. BISHOP, 

ATTORNEY FOR LEE, WITH A REQUEST THAT THE 

SAME BE PUBLISHED. 

AS A DUTY to myself, my family, and mankind at large, I 
propose to give a full and true statement of all that I 
know and all that I did in that unfortunate affair, which has 
cursed my existence, and made me a wanderer from place to 
place for the last nineteen years, and which is known to the 
world as the Mountain Meadows Massacre. 

I have no vindictive feehng against any one ; no enemies to 
punish by this statement ; and no friends to shield by keeping 
back, or longer keeping secret, any of the facts connected with 
the Massacre. 

I believe that I must tell all that I do know, and tell every- 
thing just as the same transpired. I shall tell the truth and per- 
mit the public to judge who is most to blame for the crime that I 
am accused of committing. I did not act alone ; I had many to 
assist me at the Mountain Meadows. I believe that most of 
those who were connected with the Massacre, and took part in 
the lamentable transaction that has blackened the character of 
all who were aiders or abettors in the same, were acting under 
the impression that they were performing a religious duty. I 
know all were acting under the orders and by the command of 
their Church leaders ; and I firmly believe that the most of those 
who took part in the proceedings, considered it a religious duty 
to unquestioningly obey the orders which they had received. 
That they acted from a sense of duty to the Mormon Church, I 
213 



214 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

never doubted. Believing that those with me acted from a sense 
of religions dut}^ on that occasion, I have faithfully kept the 
secret of their guilt, and remained silent and true to the oath of 
secrecy which we took on the bloody field, for many long and 
bitter years. I have never betrayed those who acted with me 
and participated in the crime for which I am convicted, and for 
which I am to suffer death. 

My attorneys, especially Wells Spicer and Wm. W. Bishop, 
have long tried, but tried in vain, to induce me to tell all I kneio 
of the massacre and the causes which led to it. I have hereto- 
fore refused to tell the tale. Until the last few days I had in- 
tended to die, if die I must, without giving one word to the 
public concerning those who joined willingly, or unwillingly, in 
the work of destruction at Mountain Meadows. 

To hesitate longer, or to die in silence, would be unjust and 
cowardly. I will not keep the secret any longer as my own, but 
will tell all I know. 

At the earnest request of Sifeio remaining friends, and by the 
advice of Mr. Bishop, my counsel, who has defended me thus 
far with all his ability, notwithstanding my want of money with 
which to pay even his expenses while attending to my case, I 
have concluded to write facts as I know them to exist. 

I cannot go before the Judge of the quick and the dead with- 
out first revealing all that I know, as to what was done, who 
ordered me to do what I did do, and the motives that led to the 
commission of that unnatural and bloody deed. 

The immediate orders for the killing of the emigrants came 
from those in authority at Cedar City. At the time of the mas- 
sacre, I and those with me, acted by virtue of positive orders 
from Isaac C. Haight and his associates at Cedar City. Before 
I started on my mission to the Mountain Meadows, I was told 
by Isaac C. Haight that his orders to me were the result of full 
consultatation with Colonel William H. Dame and all in author- 
ity. It is a new thing to me, if the massacre was not decided 
on by the head men of the Church, and it is a new thing for Mor- 
mons to condemn those who committed the deed. 

Being forced to speak from memory alone, without the aid of 
my memorandum books, and not having time to correct the 
statexiients that I make, I will necessarily give many things out 
of their regular order. The superiority that I claim for my 
statement is this : 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 215 

ALL THAT I DO SAY IS TRUP: AND NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH. 

I will begin my statement by saying, I was born on the 6th 
day of September, A. D. 1812, in the town of Kaskaskia, Ran- 
dolph County, State of Illinois. I am therefore in the sixty-fifth 
year of my age. 

I joined the Mormon Church at Far West, Mo., about thirty- 
nine years ago. To be with that Church and people I left my 
home on Luck Creek, Fayette County, Illinois, and went and 
joined the Mormons in Missouri, before the troubles at Gallatin, 
Far West and other points, between the Missourians and Mor- 
mons. I shared the fate of my brother Mormons, in being mis- 
treated, arrested, robbed and driven from Missouri in a desti- 
tute condition, by a wild and fanatical mob. But of all this I 
shall speak in my life, which I shall write for publication if I 
have time to do so. 

I took an active part with the leading men at Nauvoo, in 
building up that city. I induced many Saints to move to Nau- 
voo, for the sake of their souls. I traveled and preached the 
Mormon doctrine in many States. I was an honored man in the 
Church, and stood high with the Priesthood, until the last few 
years. I am now cut off from the Church for obeying the orders 
of my superiors, and doing so without asking questions — for do- 
ing as my religion and my religious teachers had taught me to 
do. I am now used by the Mormon Church as a scape-goat 
to carry the sins of that people. My life is to be taken, so that 
my death may stop further enquiry into the acts of the mem- 
bers who are still in good standing in the Church. Will my 
death satisfy the nation for all the crimes committed by Mor- 
mons, at the command of the Priesthood, who have used and 
now have deserted me? Time will tell. I believe in ^just God, 
and I knov7 the day will come when others must answer for their 
acts, as I have had to do. 

I first became acquainted with Brigham Young when I went 
to Far West, Mo., to join the Church, in 1837. I got very inti- 
mately acquainted with all the great leaders of the Chuicii. I 
was adopted by Brigham Young as one of his sons, and for 
man}' years I confess I looked upon him as an inspired and holy 
man. While in Nauvoo I took an active part in all that was done 
for the Church or the city. I had charge of the building of the 
" Seventy Hall;" I was 7th Policeman. My duty as a police 



216 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

man was to guard the residence and person of Joseph Smith, the 
Prophet. After the death of Joseph and Hyrum I was ordered 
to perform the same duty for Brigham Young. When Joseph 
Smith was a candidate for the Presidency of the United States I 
went to Kentucky as the chairman of the Board of Elders, or 
head of the delegation, to secure the vote of that State for him. 
When I returned to Nauvoo again I was General Clerk and Re- 
corder for the Quorum of the Seventy. I was also head or Chief 
Clerk for the Church, and as such took an active part in organ- 
izing the Priesthood into the order of Seventy after the death of 
Joseph Smith. 

After the destruction of Nauvoo, when the Mormons were 
driven from the State of Illinois, I again shared the fate of mj 
brethren, and partook of the hardships and trials that befel them 
from that day up to the settlement of Salt Lake City, in the then 
wilderness of the nation. I presented Brigham Young with seven- 
teen ox teams, fully equipped, when he started with the people 
from Winter Quarters to cross the plains to the new resting 
place of the Saints. He accepted them and said, " God bless 
you, John." Bat I never received a cent for them — I never 
wanted pay for them, for in giving property to Brigham Young I 
thought I was loaning it to the Lord. 

After reaching Salt Lake City I stayed there but a short time, 
when I went to live at Cottonwood, where the mines were after- 
wards discovered by General Connor and his men during the 
late war. 

I was just getting fixed to live there, when I was ordered to 
go out into the interior and aid in forming new settlements, and 
opening up the country. I then had no wish or desire, save that 
to know and be able to do the will of the Lord's anointed, 
Brigham Young, and until within the last few years I have never 
had a wish for anything else except to do his pleasure, since I 
became his adopted son. I believed it my duty to obey those 
in authority. I then believed that Brigham Young spoke by 
direction of the God of Heaven. I would have suffered death 
rather than have disobeyed any command of his. I had this 
feeling until he betra3^ed and deserted me. At the command 
of Brigham Young, I took one hundred and twenty-one men, 
went in a southern direction from Salt Lake Citj^ and laid out 
and built up Parowan. George A. Smith was the le ider and 
chief man in authority in that settlement. I acted under him 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 217 

as historian and clerk of the Iron County Mission, until Janu- 
ary, 1851. I went with BrighaDi Young, and acted as a cgm- 
mittee man, and located Provo, St. George, Fillmore, Parowan 
and other towns, and managed the location of many of the set- 
tlements in Southern Utah. 

In 1852, I moved to Harmony, and built up that settlement. 
I remained there until the Indians declared war against the 
whites and drove the settlers into Cedar City and Parowan, for 
protection, in the year 1853. 

I removed my then numerous family to Cedar City, where I 
was appointed a Captain of the militia, and commander of 
Cedar City Military Post. 

I had commanded at Cedar City about one year, when I was 
ordered to return to Harmony, and build the Harmony Fort. 
This order, like all other orders, came from Brigham Young. 
When I returned to Harmony and commenced building the fort 
there, the orders were given by Brigham Young for the reor- 
ganization of the military at Cedar City. The old men were 
requested to resign their offices, and let younger men be ap- 
pointed in their place. I resigned my office of Captain, but 
Isaac C. Haight and John M. Higbee refued to resign, and con- 
tinued to hold on as Majors in the Iron Militia. 

After returning to Harmony, I was President of the civil and 
local affairs, and Rufus Allen was President of that Stake of 
Ziou, or head of the Church affairs. 

I soon resigned my position as President of civil affairs, and 
became a private citizen, and was in no office for some time. 
In fact, I never held any position after that, except the office of 
Probate Judge of the County (which office I held before and 
after the massacre), and member of the Territorial Legislature, 
and Delegate to the Constitutional Convention which met and 
adopted a constitution for the State of Deseret, after the m§ts- 
sacre. 

I will here state that Brigham Young honored me in many 
ways after the affair at Mountain Meadows was fully reported to 
him by me, as I will more fully state hereafter in the course of 
what I have to relate concerning that unfortunate transaction. 

Klingensmith, at my first trial, and White, at my last trial, 
swore falsely when they say that they met me near Cedar City, 
the Sunday before the massacre. They did not meet me as they 
have sworn, nor did they meet me at all on that occasion or on 



218 M0B2I0NISM UNVEILED. 

any similar occasion. I never had the conversations with them 
that they testily about. They are both perjurers, and bore 
false testimony against me. 

There has never been a witness on the stand against me that 
has testified to the whole truth. Some have told part truth, 
while others lied clear through, but all of the witnesses who 
were at the massacre have tried to throw all the blame on me,, 
and to protect the other men who took part in it. 

About the 7th of September, 1857, I went to Cedar City from^ 
my home at Harmony, by order of President Haight. I did not 
know what he wanted of me, but he had ordered me to visit him^ 
and I obeyed. If I remember correctly, it was on Sunday even- 
ing that I went there. When I got to Cedar City, I met Isaac 
C. Haight on the public square of the town. Haight was then 
President of that Stake of Zion, and the highest man in the Mor- 
mon priesthood in that countr}^, and next to Wm. H. Dame in 
all of Southern Utah, and as Lieutenant Colonel he was second 
to Dame in the command of the Iron Military District. The 
word and command of Isaac C. Haight v/ere the laio in Cedar 
City, at that time, and to disobey his orders was certain death ; 
be they right or wrong, no Saint was permitted to question them, 
their duty was obedience or death. 

When I met Haight, I asked him what he wanted with me. 
He said he wanted to have a long talk with me on private and 
particular business. We took some blankets and went over to 
the old Iron Works, and lay there that night, so that we could 
talk in private and in safety. After we got to the Iron Works, 
Haight told me all about theti'ain of emigrants. He said (and 
I then believed ever}^ w^ord that he spoke, for I believed it was 
an impossible thing for one so high in the Priesthood as he was, 
to be guilty of falsehood) that the emigrants were a rough and 
abusive set of men. That they had, while traveling through Utah, 
been very abusive to all the Mormons they met. That they had 
insulted, outraged, and ravished many of the Mormon women. 
That the abuses heaped upon the people by the emigrants during 
their trip from Provo to Cedar Cit}^, had been constant and 
shameful ; that they had burned fences and destroyed growing 
crops ; that at many points on the road they had poisoned the 
water, so that all people and stock that drank of the water be- 
came sick, and many had died from the effects of poison. That 
these vile Gentiles publicly proclaimed that they had the very 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 219 

pistol with which the Prophet, Joseph Smith, was murdered, 
and had threatened to kill Brigham Young and all of the 
Apostles. That when in Cedar City they said they would have 
friends in Utah who would hang Brigham Young by the neck 
until he was dead, before snow fell again in the Territory. 
They also said that Johnston was coming, with his army, from 
the East, and they were going to return from Cahfornia with 
soldiers, as soon as possible, and would then desolate the land, 
and kill every d — d Mormon man, woman and child that they 
could find in Utah. That they violated the ordinances of the 
town of Cedar, and had, by armed force, resisted the officers 
who tried to arrest them for violating the law. That after leav- 
ing Cedar City the emigrants camped by the company, or co- 
operative field, just below Cedar City, and burned a large por- 
tion of the fencing, leaving the crops open to the large herds of 
stock in the surrounding country. Also that they had given 
poisoned meat to the Corn Creek tribe of Indians, which had 
killed several of them, and their Chief, Konosh, was on the trail 
of the emigrants, and would soon attack them. All of these 
things, and much more of a like kind, Haight told me as we lay 
in the dark at the old Iron Works. I believed all that he said, 
and, thinking that he had full right to do all that he wanted to 
do, I was easily induced to follow his instructions. 

Haight said that unless something was done to prevent it, the 
emigrants would carry out their threats and rob every one of the 
out-lying settlements in the South, and that the whole Mormon 
people were liable to be butchered by the troops that the emi- 
grants would bring back with them from California. I was then 
told that the Council had held a meeting that day, to consider 
the matter, and that it was decided by the authorities to arm 
the Indians, give them provisions and ammunition, and send them 
after the emigrants, and have the Indians give them a brushy 
and if they killed part or all of them, so much the better. • 

I said, " Brother Haight, who is your authority for acting in 
this way? " 

He replied, " It is the will of all in authority. The emigrants 
have no pass from any one to go through the country, and they 
are liable to be killed as common enemies, for the country is at 
war now. No man has a right to go through this country with- 
out a written pass." 

We lay there and talked much of the night, and during that 



220 M0BM0mS3I UJ^ VEILED. 

time Haight gave me very full instructions what to do, and how- 
to proceed in the whole affair. He said he had consulted with 
Colonel Dame, and every one agreed to let the Indians use up 
the whole train if they could. Haight then said : 

" I expect you to carry out your orders." 

I knew I had to obey or die. I had no wish to disobey, for I 
then thought that my superiors in the Church were the mouth- 
pieces of Heaven, and that it was an act of godliness for me to 
obey any and all orders given by them to me, without my asking 
any questions. 

My orders were to go home to Harmony, and see Carl Shirts, 
my son-in-law, an Indian interpreter, and send him to the Indians 
in the South, to notify them that the Mormons and Indians were 
at war with the " Mericats'' (as the Indians called all whites 
that were not Mormons) and bring all the Southern Indians up 
and have them join with those from the North, so that their 
force would be sufficient to make a successful attack on the 
emigrants. 

It was agreed that Haight would send Nephi Johnson, another 
Indian interpreter, to stir up all the other Indians that he could 
find, in order to have a large enough force of Indians to give 
the emigrants a good hush. He said, " These are the orders that 
have been agreed upon by the Council, and it is in accordance 
with the feelings of the entire people.'' 

I asked him if it would not have been better to first send to 
Brigham Young for instructions, and find out what he thought 
about the matter. 

"No," said Haight, "that is unnecessary, ive are acting hy or- 
ders. Some of the Indians are now on the war-path, and all of 
them must be sent out ; all must go, so as to make the thing a 
success." 

It was then intended that the Indians should kill the emi- 
grants, and make it an Indian massacre, and not have any whites 
interfere with them. No whites were to be known in the mat- 
ter, it was to be all done by the Indians, so that it could be laid 
to them, if any questions were ever asked about it. I said to 
Haight : 

"You know what the Indians are. They will kill all the 
party, women and children, as well as the men, and you know 
we are sworn not to shed innocent blood." 

" Oh h — ^1!" said he, " there will not be one drop of innocent 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 221 

blood shejd, if every one of the d — d pack are killed, for they 
are the worse lot of out-laws and ruffians that I ever saw in my 
life." 

We agreed upon the whole thing, how each one should act, 
and then left the iron works, and went to Haight's house and 
got breakfast. 

After breakfast I got ready to star-t, and Haight said to me : 

''Go, Brother Lee, and see that the instructions of those in 
authority are obeyed, and as you are dutiful in this, so shall 
your reward be in the kingdom of God, for God will bless those 
who willingly obey counsel, and make all things fit for the peo- 
ple in these last days." 

I left Cedar City for my home at Harmony, to carry out the 
instructions that I had received from my superior. 

I then believed that he acted by the direct order and com- 
mand of William H. Dame, and others even higher in authority 
than Colonel Dame. One reason for thinking so was from a talk 
I had only a few days before, with Apostle George A. Smith, 
and he had just then seen Haight, and talked with him, and I 
knew that George A. Smith never talked of things that Brigham 
Young had not talked over with him before-hand. Then the 
Mormons were at war with the United States, and the orders to 
the Mormons had been all the time to kill and waste away our 
enemies, but lose none of our people. These emigrants were 
from the section of country most hostile to our people, and I be- 
lieved then as I do now, that it was the will of every true Mor- 
mon in Utah, at that time, that the enemies of the Church should 
be killed as fast as possible, and that as this lot of people had 
men amongst them that were supposed to have helped kill the 
Prophets in the Carthage jail, the killing of all of them would 
be keeping our oaths and avenging the blood of the Prophets. 

In justice to myself I will give the facts of my talk with 
George A. Smith. 

In the latter part of the month of August, 1857, about ten 
days before the company of Captain Fancher, who met their 
doom at Mountain Meadows, arrived at that place. General 
George A. Smith called on me at one of my homes at Washing- 
ton City, Washington County, Utah Territory, and wished me to 
take him round by Fort Clara, via Pinto Settlements, to Hamil- 
ton Fort, or Cedar City. He said, 

"I have been sent down here by the old Boss, Brigham Young, 



222 MOBMONISM VNVEILED. 

to instruct the brethren of the different settlements not to sell 
any of their grain to our enemies. And to tell them not to feed 
it to their animals, for it will all be needed by ourselves. I am 
also to instruct the brethren to prepare for a hig fight, for the 
enemy is coming in large force to attempt our destruction. But 
Johnston's army will not be allowed to approach our settlements 
from the east. God is on our side and will fight our battles for 
us, and deliver our enemies into our hands. Brigham Young 
has received revelations from God, giving him the right and the 
power to call down the curse of God on all our enemies who at- 
tempt to invade our Territory. Our greatest danger lies in the 
people of California — a class of reckless miners who are stran- 
gers to God and his righteousness. They are liliely to come 
upon us from the south and destroy the small settlements. But 
we will try and outwit them before we suffer much damage. The 
people of the United States who oppose our Church and people 
are a mob, from the President down, and as such it is impossible 
for their armies to prevail against the Saints who have gathered 
here in the mountains." 

He continued this kind of talk for some hours to me and my 
friends who were with me. 

General George A. Smith held high rank as a military leader. 
He was one of the twelve apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ 
of Latter Day Saints, and as such he was considered by me to 
be an inspired man. His orders were to me sacred commands, 
which I considered it my duty to obey, without question or hesi- 
tation. 

I took my horses and carriage and drove with him to either 
Hamilton Fort or Cedar City, visiting the settlements with him, 
as he had requested. I did not go to hear him preach at any of 
our stopping places, nor did I pay attention to what he said to 
the leaders in the settlements. 

The day we left Fort Clara, which was then the headquarters 
of the Indian missionaries under the presidency of Jacob Hitmb- 
lin, we stopped to noon at the Clara River. While there the In- 
dians gathered around us in large numbers, and were quite saucy 
and impudent. Their chiefs asked me where I was gomg and 
who I had with me. I told them that he was a big captain. 

"Is he a Mericat Captain?" 

"No," I said, "he is a Mormon.'* 



LEE'S CONFESSIOX. 223 

The Indians then v/tinted to know more. They wanted to 
liave a talk. 

The General told me to tell the Indians that the Mormons 
were their friends, and that the Americans were their enemies, 
and the enemies of the Mormons, too ; that he wanted the In- 
dians to remain the fast friends of the Mormons, for the Mor- 
mons were all friends to the Indians ; tliat the Americans had a 
large army just east of the mountains, and intended to come 
over the mountains into Utah and kill all of the Mormons and 
Indians in Utah Territory ; that the Indians must get ready and 
keep ready for war against all of the Americans, and keep 
friendly with the Mormons and obey what the Mormons told 
them to do — that this was the will of the Great Spirit ; that if 
the Indians were true to the Mormons and would help them 
against their enemies, then the Mormons would alw^ays keep 
them from want and sickness and give them guns and ammuni- 
tion to hunt and kill game with, and would also help the Indians 
:against their enemies when they went into war. 

This talk pleased Uie Indians, and they agreed to all that I 
asked them to do. 

I saw that my friend Smith was a little nervous and fearful of 
the Indians, notwithstanding their promises of friendship. To 
relieve him of his anxiety I hitched up and started on our way, 
as soon as I could do so without rousing the suspicions of the 
Indians. 

We had ridden along about a mile or so when General Smith 
said, 

^' Those are savage looking fellows. I think they w^ould make 
it lively for an emigrant train if one should come this way." 

I said I thought they would attack any train that w^ould come 
in their way. Then the General was in a deep study for some 
time, when he said, 

"Suppose an emigrant train should come along through this 
•southern countrj^ making threats against our people and brag- 
ging of the part they took in helping kill our Prophets, what do 
you think the brethren would do with them ? Would the^^ be 
permitted to go their way, or would the brethren pitch into them 
and give them a good drubbing?" 

I reflected a few moments, and then said, 

"You know the brethren are now under the influence of the 
late reformation, and are still red-hot for the gospel. The 



224 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

brethren believe the government wishes to destroy them. I 
really believe that any train of emigrants that may come through 
heue will be attacked, and probably all destroyed. I am sure 
they would be wiped out if the}^ had been making threats against 
our people. Unless emigrants have a pass from Brigham Youngs 
or some one in authority, they will certainly never get safely 
through this country." 

M}^ reply pleased him very much, and he laughed heartily, 
and then said, 

"Do you really believe the brethren would make it lively for 
such a train?" 

I said, " Yes, sir, I know they will, unless they are protected 
by a pass, and I wish to inform you that unless you want every 
train captured that comes throu^ here, you must inform Gover- 
nor Young that if he wants emigrants to pass, without being 
molested, he must send orders to that effect to Colonel Wm. H. 
Dame or Major Isaac C. Haight, so that they can give passes to 
the emigrants, for their passes will insure safety, but nothing else 
will, except the positive orders of Governor Young, as the peo- 
ple are all bitter against the Gentiles, and full of religious zeal, 
and anxious to avenge the blood of the Prophets." 

The only reply he made was to the effect that on his way down 
from Salt Lake City he had had a long talk with Major Haight 
on the same subject, and that Haight had assured him, and 
given him to understand, that emigrants who came along with- 
out a pass from Governor Young could not escape from the Ter- 
ritory. 

We then rode along in silence for some distance, when he 
again turned to me and said, 

" Brother Lee, I am satisfied that the brethren are under the 
full influence of the reformation, and I believe they will do just 
as you say they will with the wicked emigrants that come through 
the country making threats and abusing our people." 

I repeated my views to him, but at much greater length, 
giving my reasons in full for thinking that Governor Young 
should give orders to protect all the emigrants that he did not 
wish destroyed. I went into a full statement of the wrongs of 
our people, and told him that the people were under the blaze 
of the reformation, full of wild fire and fanaticism, and that to 
shed the blood of those who would dare to speak against the 
Mormon Church or its leaders, they would consider doing the 




GEOKGE A. SMITH. 



LEE' 8 CONFESSION, 225 

will of God, and that the people would do it as willingly and 
cheerfully as they would any other duty. That the apostle 
Paul, when he started forth to persecute the followers of Christ, 
was not any more sincere than every Mormon was then, who 
lived in Southern Utah. 

My words served to cheer up the General very much ; he was 
greatly delighted, and said, 

" I am glad to hear so good an account of our people. God 
will bless them for all that they do to build up His Kingdom 
in the last days." 

General Smith did not say one word to me or intimate to me, 
that he wished any emigrants to pass in safety through the Ter- 
ritory. But he led me to believe then, as I believe now, that 
he did want, and expected every emigrant to be killed that 
undertook to pass through the Territory while we were at war 
with the Government. I thought it was his mission to prepare 
the people for the bloody work. 

I have always believed, since that day, that General George 
A. Smith was then visiting Southern Utah to prepare the peo- 
ple for the work of exterminating Captain Fancher's train of 
emigrants, and I now believe that he was sent for that purpose 
by the direct command of Brigham Young. 

I have been told by Joseph Wood, Thomas T. Willis, and 
many others, that they heard George A. Smith preach at Cedar 
City during that trip, and that he told the people of Cedar 
City that the emigrants were com'ng, and he told them that they 
must not sell that company any grain or ^^^'ovisions of any kind, 
for they were a mob of villains and outlaws, and the enemies of 
God and the Mormon people. 

Sidney Littlefield, of Panguitch, has told me that he was 
knowing to the fact of Colonel Wm. H. Dame sending orders 
from Parowan to Maj. Haight, at Cedar City, to exterminate the 
Franclier outfit^ and to kill every emigrant without fail. Little- 
field then lived at Parowan, and Dame was the Presiding Bishop. 
Dame still has all the wives he wants, and is a great friend of 
Briojham Younoj. 

The knowledge of how George A. Smith felt toward the emi- 
grants, and his telling me that he had a long talk with Haight 
on the subject, made me certain that it was the wish of the 
Church authorities that Francher and bis train should be wiped 
out, and knowing all this, I did not doubt then, and I do not 
15 



226 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

doubt it now, either, that Haight was acting by full authority 
from the Church leaders, and that the orders he gave to me were 
just the orders that he had been directed to give, when he 
ordered me to raise the Indians and have them attack the emi- 
grants. 

I acted through the whole matter in a way that I considered 
it my religious duty to act, and if what I did was a crime, it 
was a crime of the Mormon Church, and not a crime for which I 
feel individually responsible. 

I must here state that Klingensmith was not in Cedar City 
that Sunday night. Haight said he had sent Klingensmith 
and others over towards Pinto, and around tliere, to stir up the 
Indians and force them to attack the emigrants. 

On my way from Cedar City to my home at Harmony, I came 
up with a large band of Indians under Moquetas and Big Bill, 
two Cedar City Chiefs ; they were in their war paint, and fully 
equipped for battle. They halted when I came up and said they 
had had a big talk with Haight, Higby and Klingensmith, and 
had got orders from them to follow up the emigrants and kill 
them all, and take their property as the spoil of their enemies. 

These Indians wanted me to go with them and command their 
forces. I told them that I could not go with them that evening, 
that I had orders from Haight, the big Captain^ to send other 
Indians on the war-path to help them kill the emigrants, and 
that I must attend to that first ; that I wanted them to go on 
near where the emigrants were and camp until the other Indians 
joined them ; that I would meet them the next day and lead 
them. 

This satisfied them, but they wanted me to send my little In- 
dian boy, Clem, with them. After some time I consented to let 
Clem go with them, and I returned home. 

When I got home I told Carl Shirts what the orders were that 
Haight had sent to him. Carl was naturally cowardly and was 
not willing to go, but I told him the orders must be obeyed. He 
then started off" that night, or early next morning, to stir up the 
Indians of the South, and lead them against the emigrants. The 
emigrants were then camped at Mountain Meadows. 

The Indians did not obey my instructions. They met, several 
hundred strong, at the Meadows, and attacked the emigrants 
Tuesday morning, just before daylip^ht, and at the first fire, as 
I afterwards learned, they killed seven and wounded sixteen of 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 227 

the emigrants. The latter fought bravely, and repulsed the 
Indians, killing some of them and breaking the knees of two war 
chiefs, who afterwards died. 

The news of the battle was carried all over the country by 
Indian runners, and the excitement was great in all the small 
settlements. I was notified of what had taken place, early Tues- 
day morning, by an Indian who came to my house and gave me 
a full account of all that had been done. The Indian said it 
was the wish of all the Indians that 1 should lead them, and that 
I must go back with him to the camp. 

I started at once, and by taking the Indian trail over the 
mountain, 1 reached the camp in about twelve miles from Har- 
mony. To go round by the wagon road it would have been be- 
tween forty and fifty miles. 

When I reached the camp I found the Indians in a frenzy of 
excitement. They threatened to kill me unless I agreed to lead 
them against the emigrants, and help them kill them. They 
also said they had been told that they could kill the emigrants 
without danger to themselves, but they had lost some of their 
braves, and others were wounded, and unless they could kill all 
the ^'■Mericats," as they called them, they would declare war 
against the Mormons and kill every one in the settlements. 

I did as well as I could under the circumstances. I was the 
only white man there, with a wild and excited band of several 
hundred Indians. I tried to persuade them that all would be 
well, that I was their friend and would see that they had their 
revenge, if I found out that they were entitled to revenge. 

My talk only served to increase their excitement, and being 
afraid that they would kill me if I undertook to leave them, and 
I would not lead them against the emigrants, so I told them that 
I would go south and meet their friends, and hurry them up to 
help them. I intended to put a stop to the carnage if I had the 
power, for I believed that the emigrants had been sufficiently 
punished for what they had done, and I felt then, and always 
have felt that such wholesale murderinor was wrono-. 

At first the Indians would not consent for me to leave them, 
but they finally said I might go and meet their friends. 

I then got on my horse and left the Meadows, and went south. 

I had gone about sixteen miles, when I met Carl Shirts with 
about one hundred Indians, and a number of Mormons from the 
southern settlements. They were going to the scene of the con- 



228 M0B3I0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

flict. How they learned of the emigrants being at the Meadows 
I never knew, but they did know it^ and were there fully armed, 
and determined to obey orders. 

Amongst those that I remember to have met there, were Sam- 
uel Knight, Oscar Hamblin, William Young, Carl Shirts, Harri- 
son Pearce, James Pearce, John W. Clark, William Slade, Sr., 
James Matthews, Dudley Leavitt, William Hawley, (now a res- 
ident of Fillmore, Utah Territory,) Wilham Slade, Jr., and two 
others whose names I have forgotten. I think they were George 
W. Adair and John Hawley. I know they were at the Meadows 
at the time of the massacre, and I think I met them that night 
south of the Meadows, with Samuel Knight and the others. 

The whites camped there that night with me, but most of the 
Indians rushed on to their friends at the camp on the Meadows. 

I reported to the whites all that had taken place at the Mead- 
ows, but none of them were surprised in the least. They all 
seemed to know that the attack was to be made, and all about 
it. I spent one of the most miserable nights there that I ever 
passed in my life. I spent much of the night in tears and at 
prayer. I wrestled with God for wisdom to guide me. I asked 
for some sign, some evidence that would satisfy me that my mis- 
sion was of Heaven, but I got no satisfaction from my God. 

In the morning we all agreed to go on together to Mountain 
Meadows, and camp there, and then send a messenger to Haight^ 
giving him full instructions of what had been done, and to ask 
him for further instructions. We knew that the original plan 
was for the Indians to do all the work, and the whites to do 
nothing, only to stay back and plan for them, and encourage 
them to do the work. Now we knew the Indians could not do 
the work, and we were in a sad fix. 

I did not then know that a messenger had been sent to Brigham 
Young for instructions. Haight had not mentioned it to me. 
I now think that James Haslem was sent to Brigham Young, as 
a sharp play on the part of the authorities to protect themselves, 
if trouble ever grew out of the matter. 

We went to the Meadows and camped at the springs, about 
half a mile from the emigrant camp. There was a larger num- 
ber of Indians there then, fully three hundred, and I think as 
many as four hundred of them. The two Chiefs who were shot 
in the knee were in a bad fix. The Indians had killed a num- 
ber of the emigrants' horses, and about sixty or seventy head 



LEE'S confession: 229 

■of cattle were lying dead on the Meadows, which the Indians 
had killed for spite and revenge. 

Our company killed a small beef for dinner, and after eating 
a hearty meal of it we held a council and decided to send a 
messenger to Haight. I said to the messenger, who was either 
Edwards or Adair, (I cannot now remember which it was), 
" Tell Haight, for my sake, for the people's sake, for God's sake, 
send me help to protect and save these emigrants, and pacify 
the Indians." 

The messenger started for Cedar City, from our camp on the 
Meadows, about 2 o'clock P. M. 

We all staid on the field, and I tried to quiet and pacify the 
Indians, by telling them that I had sent to Haight, the Big Cap- 
tain, for orders, and when he sent his order I would know what 
to do. This appeared to satisfy the Indians, for said they, 

"The Big Captain will send you word to kill all the Mericats." 

Along toward evening the Indians again attacked the emi- 
grants. This was Wednesday. I heard the report of their 
guns, and the screams of the women and children in the corral. 

This was more than I could stand. So I ran with Wil- 
liam Young and John Mangum, to where the Indians were, to 
stop the fight. While on the way 10 them they fired a volley, 
and three balls from their guns cut my clothing. One ball went 
through my hat and cut my hair on the side of my head. One 
ball went through my shirt and leaded my shoulder, the other 
cut my pants across my bowels. I thought this was rather 
warm work, but I kept on until I reached the place where the 
Indians were in force. When I got to them, I told them the 
Great Spirit would be mad at them if they killed the women 
and children. I talked to them some time, and cried with sor- 
row when I saw that I could not pacify the savages. 

When the Indians saw me in tears, they called me "Yaw 
Guts," which in the Indian language means " cry baby," and 
to this day they call me by that name, and consider me a 
coward. 

Oscar Hamblin was a fine interpreter, and he came to my aid 
and helped me to induce the Indians to stop the attack. By 
his help we got the Indians to agree to be quiet until word was 
returned from Haight. (I do not know now but what the mes- 
senger started for Cedar City, after this night attack, but I was 
so worried and perplexed at that time, and so much has hap- 



230 M0BM0NI83I UNVEILED. 

pened to distract my thoughts since then, that my mind is not 
clear on that subject.) 

On Thursday, about noon, several men came to us from Cedar 
City. I cannot remember the order in which all of the people 
came to the Meadows, but I do recollect that at this time and in 
this company Joel White, William C. Stewart, Benjamin Arthur, 

Alexander Wilden, Charles Hopkins and Tate, came to us 

at the camp at the springs. These men said but little, but every 
man seemed to know just what he was there for. As our mes- 
senger had gone for further orders, we moved our camp about 
four hundred yards further up the valley on to a hill, where we 
made camp as long as we staid there. 

I soon learned that the whites were as wicked at heart as the 
Indians, for every little while during that day I saw white men 
taking aim and shooting at the emigrants' wagons. They said 
they were doing it to keep in practice and to help ^mss off tJie 
time. 

I remember one man that was shooting, that rather amused 
me, for he was shooting at a mark over a quarter of a mile off, 
and his gun would not carry a ball two hundred yards. That 
man was Alexander Wilden. He took pains to fix up a seat 
under the shade of a tree,%rhere he continued to load and shoot 
until he got tired. Many of the others acted just as wild and 
foolish as Wilden did. 

The wagons were corraled after the Indians had made the first 
attack. On the second day after our arrival the emigrants drew 
their wagons near each other and chained the wheels one to the 
other. While they were doing this there was no shooting going 
on. Their camp was about one hundred yards above and north 
of the spring. They generally got their water from the spring 
at night. 

Thursday morning I saw two men start from the corral with 
buckets, and run to the spring and fill their buckets with water, 
and go back again. The bullets flew around them thick and 
fast, but they got into their corral in safety. 

The Indians had agreed to keep quiet until orders returned 
from Haight, but they did not keep their word. They made a 
determined attack on the train on Thursday morning about day- 
light. At this attack the Clara Indians had one brave killed and 
three wounded. This so enraged that band that they left for 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 231 

home that day and drove off quite a number of cattle with them. 
During the day I said to John Mangum, 

'' I will cross oyer the valley and go up on the other side, on 
the hills to the west of the corral, and take a look at the situa- 
tion." 

I did go. As I was crossing the valley I was seen by the 
emigrants, and as soon as they saw that I was a white man they 
ran up a ivhite flag in the middle of their corral, or camp. They 
then sent two little boys from the camp to talk to me, but I 
could not talk to them at that time, for I did not know what or- 
ders Haight would send back to me, and until I did know his 
orders I did not know how to act. I hid, to keep away from the 
children. They came to the place where they had last seen me 
and hunted all around for me, but being unable to find me, they 
turned and went back to the camp in safety. 

While the boys were looking for me several Indians came to 
me and asked for ammunition with which to kill them. I told 
them they must not hurt the children — that if they did I would 
kill the first one that made the attempt to injure them. By this 
act I was able to save the boys. 

It is all false that has been told about little girls being dressed 
in white and sent out to me. There never was anything of the 
kind done. 

I staid on the west side of the valley for about two hours, 
looking down into the emigrant camp, and feeling all the torture 
of mind that it is possible for a man to suffer who feels merciful, 
and yet knows, as I then knew, what was in store for that un- 
fortunate company if the Indians were successful in their bloody 
designs. 

While I was standing on the hill looking down into the corral, 
I saw two men leave the corral and go outside to cut some 
wood ; the Indians and whites kept up a steady fire on them all 
the time, but they paid no attention to danger, and kept right 
along at their work until they had it done, and then they went 
back into camp. The men all acted so bravely that it was 
impossible to keep from respecting them 

After staying there and looking down into the camp until I 
was nearly dead from grief, I returned to the company at camp. 
I was worn out with trouble and grief; 1 was nearly wild wait- 
ing for word from the authorities at Cedar City. I prayed for 



232 M0BM0yiS3I UNFILED. 

word to come that would enable me to save that band of suffer- 
ing people, but no such word came. It never was to come. 

On Thursday evening John M. Higbee, Major of the Iron 
Militia, and PhiHp K. Smith, as he is called generally, but whose 
name is Klingensmith, Bishop of Cedar City, came to our camp 
with two or three wagons, and a number of men all well armed. 
I can remember the following as a portion of the men who came 
to take part in the work of death which was so soon to follow, 
viz. : JohnM. Higbee, Major and commander of the Iron Militia, 
and also first counselor to Isaac C. Haight; Philip Klingen- 
smith, Bishop of Cedar City ; Ira Allen, of the High Council ; 
Eobert Wiley, of the High Council ; Richard Harrison, of Pinto, 
also a member of the High Council; Samuel McMurdy, one of 
the Counselors of Klingensmith ; Charles Hopkins, of the City 
Council of Cedar City ; Samuel Pollock ; Daniel McFarland, a 
son-in-law of Isaac C. Haight, and acting as Adjutant under 
Major Higbee ; John Ure, of the City Council ; George Hunter, 
of the City Council ; and I honestly believe that John McFar- 
land, now an attorney- at-law at St. George, Utah, was there — 
I am not positive that he was, but my best impression is that he 
was there : Samuel Jukes ; Nephi Johnson, with a number of 
Indians under his command ; Irvin Jacobs ; John Jacobs ; E. 
Curtis, a Captain of Ten ; Thomas Cartwright of the City Coun- 
cil and High Council ; William Bateman, who afterwards car- 
ried the flag of truce to the emigrant camp ; Anthony Stratton ; 
A. Loveridge ; Joseph Clews ; Jabez Durfey ; Columbus Free- 
man, and some others whose names I cannot remember. I 
know that our total force was fifty-four whites and over three 
hundred Indians. 

As soon as these persons gathered around the camp, I demand- 
ed of Major Higbee what orders he had brought. I then stated 
fully all that had happened at the Meadows, so that every per- 
son might understand the situation. 

Major Higbee reported as follows: "It is the orders of the 
President, that all the emigrants must be put out of the way. 
President Haight has counseled with Colonel Dame, or has had 
orders from him to put all of the emigrants out of the way ; 
none who are old enough to talk are to be spared." 

He then went on and said substantially that the emigrants had 
come through the country as our enemies, and as the enemies of 
the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. That they 



• LEE'S CONFESSION. 233 

had no pass from any one in authority to permit them to leave 
the Territory. That none but friends were permitted to leave 
the Territory, and that as these were our sworn enemies, they 
must be killed. That they were nothing but a portion of John- 
ston's army. That if they were allowed to go on to California, 
they would raise the war cloud in the West, and bring certain de- 
struction upon all the settlements in Utah. That the only safe- 
ty for the people was in the utter destruction of the whole ras- 
cally lot. 

I then told them that God would have to change my heart be- 
fore I could consent to such a wicked thing as the wholesale 
kiUing of that people. I attempted to reason with Higbee and 
the brethren. I told them how strongly the emigrants were for- 
tified, and how wicked it was to kill the women and children. 
I was ordered to be silent. Hiojbee said I was resisting au- 
thority. 

He then said, "Brother Lee is afraid of shedding innocent 
blood. Why, brethren, there is not a drop of innocent blood in 
that entire camp of Gentile outlaws ; they are set of cut-throats, 
robbers and assassins ; they are a part of the people who drove 
the Saints from Missouri, and who aided to shed the blood of 
ou^, Prophets, Joseph and Hyrum, and it is our orders from all 
in authority, to get the emigrants from their stronghold, and 
help the Indians kill them." 

I then said that Joseph Smith had told us never to betray 
any one. That we could not get the emigrants out of their 
corral unless we used treachery, and I was opposed to that. 

I was interrupted by Higbee, Klingensmith and Hopkins, who 
said it was the orders of President Isaac C. Haight to us, and that 
Haight had his orders from Colonel Dame and the authorities at 
Parowan, and that all in authority were of one mind, and that 
they had been sent by the Council at Cedar City to the Mead- 
ows to counsel and direct the way and manner that the company 
of emigrants should be disposed of. 

The men then in council, I must here state, now knelt down in 
a prayer circle and prayed, invoking the Spirit of God to direct 
them how to act in the matter. 

After prayer. Major Higbee said, "Here are the orders," and 
handed me a paper from Haight. It was in substance that it 
was the orders of Haight to decoy the emigrants from their posi- 
tion, and kill all of them that could talk. This order was in 



234 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

writing. Higbee handed it to me and I read it, and then 
dropped it on the ground, saying, 

'' I cannot do this." 

The substance of the orders were that the emigrants should be 
decoyed from their strong-hold, and all exterminated, so that no 
one would be left to tell the tale, and then the authorities could 
say it was done by the Indians. 

The words decoy and exterminate were used in that message 
or order, and these orders came to us as the orders from the 
Council at Cedar City, and as the orders of our military supe- 
rior, that we were bound to obey. The order was signed by 
Haight, as commander of the troops at Cedar City. 

Haight told me the next day after the massacre, while on the 
Meadows, that he got his orders from Colonel Dame. 

I then left the Council, and went away to myself, and bowed 
myself in prayer before God, and asked Him to overrule the de- 
cision of that Council. I shed many bitter tears, and my tor- 
tured soul was wrung nearly from the body by my great suffer- 
ing. I will here say, calling upon Heaven, angels, and the 
spirits of just men to witness what I say, that if I could then 
have had a thousand worlds to command, I would have given 
them freely to save that company from death. 

While in bitter anguish, lamenting the sad condition of myself 
and others, Charles Hopkins, a man that I had great confidence 
in, came to me from the Council, and tried to comfort me by 
saying that he believed it was all right, for the brethren in the 
PrlestJiood were all united in the thing, and it would not be well 
for me to oppose them. 

I told him the Lord must change my heart before 1 could 
ever do such an act willingly. I will further state that there 
was a reign of terror in Utah, at that time, and many a man had 
been put out of the way, on short notice, for disobedience, and 
I had made some narrow escapes. 

At the earnest soUcitation of Brother Hopkins, I returned with 
him to the Council. When I got back, the Council again prayed 
for aid. The Council was called The City Counselors, the 
Church or High Counselors ; and all in authority, together with 
the private citizens, then formed a circle, and kneeling down, so 
that elbows would touch each other, several of the brethren 
prayed for Divine instructions. 

After prayer, Major Higbee said, "I have the evidence of God's 



LEWS CONFESSION. 235 

approval of our mission. It is God's will that we carry out our 
instructions to the letter." 

I said, " My God! this is more than I can do. I must and 
do refuse to take part in this matter." 

Higbee then said to me, " Brother Lee, I am ordered by Pres- 
ident Haight to inform you that you shall receive a crown of 
Celestial glory for your faithfulness, and your eternal joy shall 
be complete." I was much shaken by this offer, for I had full 
faith in the power of the Priesthood to bestow such rewards and 
blessings, but I was anxious to save the people. I then pro- 
posed that we give the Indians all of the stock of the emigrants, 
except sufficient to haul their wagons, and let them go. To this 
proposition all the leading men objected. No man there raised 
his voice or hand to favor the saving of life, except myself. 

The meeting was then addressed by some one in authority, 
I do not remember who it was. He spoke in about this lan- 
guage : " Brethren, we have been sent here to perform a dut}'. 
It is a duty that we owe to God, and to our Church and people. 
The orders of those in authority are that all the emigrants must 
die. Our leaders speak with inspired tongues, and their orders 
come from the God of Heaven. We have no right to question 
what they have commanded us to do ; it is our duty to obey. If 
we wished to act as some of our weak-kneed brethren desire us to 
do, it would be impossible ; the thing has gone too far to allow us 
to stop now. The emigrants know that we have aided the Indians, 
and if we let them go they will bring certain destruction upon 
us. It is a fact that on Wednesday night, two -of the emigrants 
got out of camp and started back to Cedar City for assistance to 
withstand the Indian attacks ; they had reached Richards' 
Springs when they met William C. Stewart, Joel White and 
Benjamin Arthur, three of our brethren from Cedar City. The 
men stated their business to the brethren, and as their horses 
were drinking at the Spring, Brother Stewart, feeling unusually 
full of zeal for the g\ovy of God and the upbuilding of the King- 
dom of God on earth, shot and killed one of the emigrants, a 
young man by the name of Aden. When Aden fell from his 
horse, Joel White shot and wounded the other Gentile ; but he 
unfortunately got away, and returned to his camp and reported 
that the Mormons were helping the Indians in all that they were 
doing against the emigrants. Now the emigrants will report 
these facts in California if we let them go. We must kill them 



:236 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

all, and our orders are to get them out by treachery if no other 
thing can be done to get them into our power." 

Many of the brethren spoke in the same way, all arguing that 
the orders must be carried out. 

I was then told the plan of action had been agreed upon, and 
it was this: The emigrants were to be decoyed from their 
strong-hold under a promise of protection. Brother William 
Bateman was to carry a flag of truce and demand a parley, and 
then I was to go and arrange the terms of the surrender. I was 
to demand that all the children who were so young they could 
not talk should be put into a wagon, and the wounded were also 
to be put into a wagon. Then all the arms and ammunition of 
the emigrants should be put into a wagon, and I was to agree 
that the Mormons would protect the emigrants from the Indians 
and conduct them to Cedar City in safety, where they should be 
protected until an opportunity came for sending them to Cali- 
fornia. 

It was agreed that when I had made the full agreement and 
treaty, as the brethren called it, the wagons should start for 
Hamblin's Ranch with the arms, the wounded and the children. 
The women were to march on foot and follow the wagons in sin- 
gle file ; the men were to follow behind the women, they also to 
march in single file. Major John M. Higbee was to stand with 
his militia company about two hundred yards from the camp, 
and stand in double file, open order, with about twenty feet 
space between the files, so that the wagons could pass between 
them. The drivers were to keep right along, and not stop at the 
troops. The women were not to stop there, but to follow the 
wagons. The troops were to halt the men for a few minutes, 
until the women were some distance ahead, out into the cedars, 
where the Indians were hid in ambush. Then the march was to 
be resumed, the troops to form in single file, each soldier to 
walk by an emigrant, and on the right-hand side of his man, and 
the soldier was to carry his gun on his left arm, ready for instant 
use. The march was to continue until the wagons had passed 
beyond the ambush of the Indians, and until the women were 
right in the midst of the Indians. Higbee was then to give the 
orders and words, "Do Youk Duty." At this the troops were 
to shoot down the men ; the Indians were to kill all of the women 
and larger children, and the drivers of the wagons and I were to 
Mil the wounded and sick men that were in the wagons. Two 



LEE'S CONFESSION, 237 

men were to be placed on horses near by, to overtake and kill 
any of the emigrants that might escape from the first assault. 
The Indians were to kill the women and large children, so that 
it would be certain that no Mormon would be guilty of shedding 
innocent blood — if it should happen that there was any innocent 
blood in the company that were to die. Our leadinor men all 
said that there was no innocent blood in the whole company. 

The Council broke up a little after daylight on Friday morn- 
ing. All the horses, except two for the men to ride to overtake 
those who might escape, and one for Dan McFarland to ride as 
Adjutant, so that he could carry orders from one part of the 
field to another, were turned out on the range. Then breakfast 
was eaten, and the brethren prepared for the work in hand. 

I was now satisfied that it was the wish of all of the Mormon 
priesthood to have the thing done. One reason for thinking so 
was that it was in keeping with the teachings of the leaders, and 
as Utah was then at war with the United States we believed all 
the Gentiles were to be killed as a war measure, and that the 
Mormons, as God's chosen people, were to hold and inhabit the 
earth and rule and govern the globe. Another, and one of my 
strongest reasons for beheving that the leaders wished the thing 
done, was on account of the talk that I had with George A. 
Smith, which I have given in full in this statement. I was satis- 
fied that Smith had passed the emigrants while on his way from 
Salt Lake City, and I then knew this was the train that he meant 
when he spoke of a train that would make threats and illtreat 
our people, etc. 

The people were in the full blaze of the reformation and anx- 
ious to do some act that would add to their reputation as zeal- 
ous Churchmen. 

I therefore, taking all things into consideration, and believing, 
as I then did, that my superiors were inspired men, who could 
not go wrong in any matter relating to the Church or the duty 
of its members, concluded to be obedient to the wishes of those 
in authority. I took up my cross and prepared to do my duty. 

Soon after breakfast Major Higbee ordered the two Indian in- 
terpreters, Carl Shirts and Nephi Johnson, to inform the Indians 
of the plan of operations, and to place the Indians in ambush, 
so that they could not be seen by the emigrants until the work 
of death should commence. 

This was done in order to make the emigrants believe that we 



238 M0BM0NI8M UNVEILED. 

had sent the Indians away, and that we were acting honestly 
and in good faith, when we agreed to protect them from the 
savages. 

The orders were obeyed, and in five minutes not an Indian 
could be seen on the whole Meadows. They secreted themselves 
and lay still as logs of wood, until the order was given for them 
to rush out and kill the women. 

Major Higbee then called all the people to order, and directed 
me to explain the whole plan to them. I did so, explaining just 
how every person was expected to act during the whole per- 
formance 

Major Higbee then gave the order for his men to advance. 
They marcthed to the spot agreed upon, and halted there. Will- 
iam Bateman was then selected to carry a flag of truce to the 
emigrants and demand tlieir surrt nder, and I was ordered to go 
and malie the treaty after some one had replied to our flag of 
truce. (The emigrants had kept a white flag flying in their 
camp ever since they saw me cross the valley.) 

Bateman took a white flag and started for the emigrant camp. 
When he got about half way to the corral, he was met by one of 
the emigrants, that I afterwards learned was named Hamilton. 
They talked some time, but I never knew what was said between 
them. 

Brother Bateman returned to the command and said that the 
emigrants would accept our terms, and surrender as we required 
them to do. 

I was then ordered by Major Higbee to go to the corral and 
negotiate the treaty, and superintend the whole matter. I was 
again ordered to be certain and get all the arms and ammunition 
into the wagons. Also to put the children and the sick and 
wounded in ihe wagons, as had been agreed upon in council. 
Then Major Higbee said to me: 

" BroUier Lee, we expect you to faithfully carry out all the 
instructions that have been given you by our council." 

Samuel McMurdy and Samuel Knight were then ordered to 
drive their teams and follow me to the corral to haul off the 
children, arms, etc. 

Tbe troops formed in two lines, as had been agreed upon, and 
were standing in that way with arms at rest, when I left them. 

I walked ahead of the wagons up to the corral. When I 
reached there I met Mr. Hamilton on the outside of the camp. 



LEE'S CONFESSION, 230 

He loosened the chains from some of their wagons, and moved 
one wagon out of the way, so that our teams could drive in- 
side of the corral and into their camp. It was then noon, or a 
little after. 

I found that the emigrants were strongly fortified ; their wag- 
ons were chained to each other in a circle. In the centre was a 
rifle-pit, large enough to contain the entire company. Tliis had 
served to shield them from the constant fire of their enemy, 
which had been poured into them from both sides of the valley, 
from a rocky range that served as a breastwork for their assail- 
ants. The valley at this point was not more than five hundred 
yards wide, and the emigrants had their camp near the center of 
the valley. On the east and west there was a low range of rug- 
ged, rocky mountains, affording a splendid place for the protec- 
tion of the Indians and Mormons, and leaving them in compara- 
tive safety while they fired upon the emigrants. The valley at 
this place runs nearly due north and south. 

When I entered the corral, I found the emiorrants engas^ed in 
burying two men of note among them, who had died but a 
short time before from the effect of wounds received by them 
from the Indians at the time of the first attack on Tuesday morn- 
ing. They wrapped the bodies up in buffalo robes, and buried 
them in a grave inside the corral. I was then told by some of 
the men that seven men were killed and seventeen others were 
wounded at the first attack made by the Indians, and that three 
of the wounded men had since died, making ten of their num- 
ber killed during the siege. 

As I entered the fortifications, men, women and children gath- 
ered around me in wild consternation. Some felt that the time 
of their happy deliverance had come, while others, though in 
deep distress, and all in tears, looked upon me with doubt, dis- 
trust and terror. My feelings at this time may be imagined 
(but I doubt the power of man being equal to even imagine how 
wretched I felt.) No language can describe my feelings. My 
position was painful, trying and awful ; my brain seemed to be 
on fire ; my nerves were for a moment unstrung ; humanity was 
overpowered, as I thought of the cruel, unmanly part that I 
was acting. Tears of bitter anguish fell in streams from my 
eyes ; my tongue refused its ofiSce ; my faculties were dormant, 
stupefied and deadened by grief. I wished that the earth would 
open and swallow me where I stood. God knows my suffering 



240 MOllMONISM UNVEILED, 

was great. I cannot describe my feelings. I knew that I was 
acting a cruel part and doing a damnable deed. Yet my faith 
in the godliness of my leaders was such that it forced me to 
think that I was not sufficiently spiritual to act the important 
part I was commanded to perform. My hesitation was only 
momentary. Then feeling that duty compelled obedience to or- 
ders^ I laid aside my weakness and my humanity, and became 
an instrument in the hands of my superiors and my leaders. 
I delivered my message and told the people that they must put 
their arms in the wagon, so as not to arouse the animosity of 
the Indians. I ordered the children and wounded, some cloth- 
ing and the arms, to be put into the wagons. Their guns were 
mostly Kentucky rifles of the muzzle-loading style. Their am- 
munition was about all gone — I do not think there were twenty 
loads left in their whole camp. If the emigrants had had a 
good supply of ammunition they never would have surrendered, 
and I do not think we could have captured them without great 
loss, for they were brave men and very resolute and deter- 
mined. 

Just as the wagons were loaded, Dan. McFarland came riding 
into the corral and said that Major Higbee had ordered great 
haste to be made, for he was afraid that the Indians would 
return and renew the attack before he could get the emigrants 
to a place of safety. 

I hurried up the people and started the wagons off towards 
Cedar City. As we went out of the corral I ordered the wagons 
to turn to the left, so as to leave the troops to the right of us. 
Dan. McFarland rode before the women and led them right up 
to the troops, where they still stood in open order as I left them. 
The women and larger children were walking ahead, as directed, 
and the men following them. The foremost man was about fifty 
yards behind the hindmost woman. 

The women and children were hurried right on by the troops. 
When the men came up they cheered the soldiers as if they be- 
lieved that they were acting honestly. Higbee then gave the 
orders for his men to form in single file and take their places as 
ordered before, that is, at the right of the emigrants. 

I saw this much, but about this time our wagons passed out 
of sight of the troops, over the hill. I had disobeyed orders in 
part by turning off as I did, for I was anxious to be out of sight 
of the bloody deed that I knew was to follow. I knew that I 



I 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 241 

had much to do yet that was of a cruel and unnatural character. 
It was my duty, with the two drivers, to kill the "sick and 
wounded who were in the wagons, and to do so when we heard 
the guns of the troops fire. I was walking between the 
wagons ; the horses were going in a fast walk, and we were fully 
half a mile from Major Higbee and his men, when we heard the 
firing. As we heard the guns, I ordered a halt and we proceed- 
ed to do our part. 

I here pause in the recital of this horrid story of man's in- 
humanity, and ask myself the question, Is it honest in me, and 
can I clear my conscience before my God, if I screen myself 
while I accuse others? No, never! Heaven forbid that I should 
put a burden upon others' shoulders, that I am unwilling to 
bear my just portion of. I am not a traitor to my people, nor 
to my former friends and comrades who were with me on that 
dark day when the work of death was carried on in God's name, 
by a lot of deluded and religious fanatics. It is my duty to tell 
facts as they exist, and I will do so. 

I have said that all of the small children were put into the 
wagons ; that was wrong, for one little child, about six months 
old, was carried in its father's arms, and it was killed by the 
same bullet that entered its father's breast ; it was shot through 
the head. I was told by Haight afterwards, that the child was 
killed by accident, but I cannot say whether that is a fact or not. 
I saw it lying dead when I returned to the place of slaughter. 

When we had got out of sight, as I said before, and just as 
we were coming into the main road, I heard a volley of guns at 
the place where I knew the troops and emigrants were. Our 
teams were then going at a fast walk. I first heard one gun, 
then a volley at once followed. 

McMurdy and Knight stopped their teams at once, for they 
were ordered by Higbee, the same as I was, to help kill all the 
sick and wounded who were in the wagons, and to do it as soon 
as they heard the guns of the troops. McMurdy was in front; 
his wagon was mostly loaded with the arms and small children. 
McMurdy and Knight got out of their wagons ; each one had a 
rifle. McMurdy went up to Knight's wagon, where the sick and 
wounded were, and raising his rifle to his shoulder, said: "O 
Lord^ my God, receive their sjnrits, it is for thy Kingdom that I 
do this." He then shot a man who was lying with his head on 
another man's breast ; the ball killed both men. 
16 



242 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

I also went up to the wagon, intending to do my part of the 
killing. I drew my pistol and cocked it, but somehow it went 
off prematurely, and I shot McMurdy across the thigh, my pistol 
ball cutting his buck-skin pants. McMurdy turned to me and 
said: 

" Brother Lee, keep cool, you are excited; you came very 
near killing me. Keep cool, there is no reason for being ex- 
cited." 

Knight then shot a man with his rifle ; he shot the man in the 
head. Knight also brained a boy that was about fourteen years 
old. The boy came running up to our wagons, and Knight struck 
him on the head with the butt end of his gun, and crushed 
his skull. By this time many Indians reached our wagons, and 
all of the sick and wounded were killed almost instantly. 
I saw an Indian from Cedar City, called Joe, run up to the 
wagon and catch a man by the hair, and raise his head up 
and look into his face ; the man shut his e3^es, and Joe shot him 
in the head. The Indians then examined all of the wounded in 
the wagons, and all of the bodies, to see if any were alive, and 
all that showed signs of life were at once shot through the head. 
I did not kill any one there, but it was an accident that kept 
me from it, for I fully intended to do my part of the killing, but 
by the time I got over the excitement of coming so near killing 
McMurdy, the whole of the killing of the wounded was done. 
There is no truth in the statement of Nephi Johnson, where he 
says I cut a man's throat. 

Just after the wounded were all killed I saw a girl, some ten 
or eleven years old, running towards us, from the direction 
where the troops had attacked the main body of emigrants ; she 
was covered with blood. An Indian shot her before she got with- 
in sixty yards of us. That was the last person that I saw killed 
on that occasion. 

About this time an Indian rushed to the front wagon, and 
grabbed a little boy, and was going to kill him. The lad 
got away from the Indian and ran to me, and caught me by the 
knees; and begged me to save him, and not let the Indian kill 
him. The Indian had hurt the little fellow's chin on the wagon- 
bed, when he first caught hold of him. I told the Indian to let 
the boy alone. I took the child up in my arms, and put him 
back in the wagon, and saved his life. This little boy said his 
name was Charley Fancher, and that his father was Captain of 



LEE'S confession: 243 

the train. He was a bright bo}^ I afterwards adopted him, 
and gave him to Caroline. She kept him until Dr. Forney took 
all the children East. I believe that William Sloan, alias Idaho 
Bill, is the same boy. 

After all the parties were dead, I ordered Knight to drive out on 
one side, and throw out the dead bodies. He did so, and threw 
them out of his wagon at a place about one hundred yards 
from the road, and then came back to where I was standing. I 
then ordered Knight and McMurdy to take the children that 
were saved alive, (sixteen was the number, some say seventeen, 
I say sixteen,) and drive on to Hamblin's ranch. They did as I 
ordered them to do. Before the wagons started, Nephi Johnson 
came up in company with the Indians that were under his com- 
mand, and Carl Shirts I think came up too, but I know that I 
then considered that Carl Shirts was a coward, and I afterwards 
made him suffer for being a coward. Several white men came 
op too, but I cannot tell their names, as I have forgotten who 
they were. 

Knight lied when he said I went to the ranch and ordered him 
to go to the field with his team. I never knew anything of his 
team, or heard of it, until he came with a load of armed men in 
his wagon, on the evening of Thursda}^ If any one ordered him 
to go to the Meadows, it was Higbee. Every witness that claims 
that he went to the Meadows without knowing what he was 
going to do, has lied, for they all knew, as well as Haight or any 
one else did, and they all voted, every man of them, in the 
Council, on Friday morning, a little before daylight, to kill all 
the emigrants. 

After the wagons, with the children, had started for Hamblin's 
ranch, I turned and walked back to where the brethren were. 
Nephi Johnson lies when he says he was on horse-back, and met 
me, or that I gave him orders to go to guard the wagons. He 
is a perjured wretch, and has sworn to every thing he could to 
injure me. God knows what I did do was bad enough, but he has 
lied to suit the leaders of the Church, who want me out of the 
way. 

While going back to the brethren, I passed the bodies of 
several women. In one place I saw six or seven bodies near 
each other; they were stripped perfectly naked, and all of their 
clothing was torn from their bodies by the Indians. 

I walked along the line where the emigrants had been killed, 



244 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

and saw many bodies lying dead and naked on the field, near by 
where the women lay. I saw ten children ; they had been killed 
close to each other; they were from ten to sixteen years of age. 
The bodies of the women and children were scattered along the 
ground for quite a distance before I came to where the men 
were killed. 

I do not know how many were killed, but I thought then that 
there were some fifteen women, about ten children, and about 
forty men killed, but the statement of others that I have since 
talked with about the massacre, makes me think there were fully 
one hundred and ten killed that day on the Mountain Meadows, 
and the ten who had died in the corral, and young Aden killed 
by Stewart at Richards' Springs, would make the total number 
one hundred and twenty-one. 

When I reached the place where the dead men lay, I was told 
how the orders had been obeyed. Major Higbee said, " The 
boys have acted admirably, they took good aim, and all of the 
d — d Gentiles but two or three fell at the first fire.'" 

He said that three or four got away some distance, but the 
men on horses soon overtook them and cut their throats. Higbee 
said the Indians did their part of the work well, that it did not 
take over a minute to finish up when they got fairly started. I 
found that the first orders had been carried out to the letter. 

Three of the emigrants did get away, but the Indians were 
put on their trail and they overtook and killed them before they 
reached the settlements in California. But it would take more 
time than I have to spare to give the details of their chase and 
capture. I may do so in my writings hereafter, but not now. 

I found Major Higbee, Klingensmith, and most of the brethren 
standing near by where the largest number of the dead men lay. 
When I went up to the brethren, Major Higbee said, 

''We must now examine the bodies for valuables.'* 

I said I did not wish to do any such work. 

Higbee then said, '* Well, you hold my hat and I will examine 
the bodies, and put what valuables I get into the hat." 

The bodies were all searched by Higbee, Klingensmith and 
Wm. C. Stewart. I did hold the hat a while, but I soon got so 
sick that I had to give it to some other person, as I was unable 
to stand for a few minutes. The search resulted in getting a 
little money and a few watches, but there was not much money. 
Higbee and Klingensmith kept the property, I suppose, for I 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 245 

never knew what became of it, unless the}^ did keep it. I think 
they kept it all. 

After the dead were searched, as I have just said, the breth- 
ren were called up, and Hio^bee and Klingensmith, as well as my- 
self, made speeches, and ordered the people to keep the matter 
a secret from the entire world. Not to tell their wives, or their 
most intimate friends, and we pledged ourselves to keep every- 
thing relating to the alTair a secret during life. We also took 
the most binding oaths to stand by each other, and to always 
insist that the massacre was committed b}^ Indians alone. This 
was the advice of Brigham Young too, as I will show hereafter. 

The men were mostly ordered to camp there on the field for 
that night, but Higbee and Klingensmith went with me to Hamb- 
lin's ranch, where we got something to eat, and staid there all 
night. I was nearly dead for rest and sleep ; in fact I had rested 
but little since the Saturday night before. I took my saddle- 
blanket and spread it on the ground soon after I had eaten my 
supper, and lay down on the saddle-blanket, using my saddle for 
a pillow, and slept soundly until next morning. 

I was awakened in the morning by loud talking between Isaac 
C. Haight and William H. Dame. They were very much excited, 
and quarreling with each other. I got up at once, but was 
unable to hear what they were quarreling about, for they cooled 
down as soon as they saw that others were paying attention to 
them. 

I soon learned that Col. Dame, Judge Lewis of Parowan, and 
Isaac C. Haight, with several others, had arrived at the Hamb- 
lin ranch in the night, but I do not know what time they got 
there. 

After breakfast we all went back in a body to the Meadows, 
to bury the dead and take care of the property that was left 
there. 

When we reached the Meadows we all rode up to that part of 
the field where the women were lying dead. The bodies of men, 
women and children had been stripped entirely naked, making 
the scene one of the most loathsome and ghastly that can be 
imagined. 

Knowing that Dame and Haight had quarreled at Hamblin's 
that morning, I wanted to know how they would act in sight of 
the dead, who lay there as the result of their orders. I was 



246 3L0BM0NISM UNVEILED. 

greatly interested to know what Dame had to say, so I kept 
close to them, without appearing to be watching them. 

Colonel Dame was silent for some time. He looked all over 
the field, and was quite pale, and looked uneasy and frightened. 
I thought then that he was just finding out the difference be^ 
tween giving and executing orders for wholesale killing. He 
spoke to Haight, and said : 

*'I must report this matter to the authorities.'* 

*' How will you report it?" said Haight. 

Dame said, "I will report it just as it is." 

"Yes, I suppose so, and implicate yourself with the rest?"^ 
said Haight. 

"No," said Dame. "I will not implicate myself, for I had 
nothing to do with it." 

Haight then said, "That will not do, for you know a d — d 
sight better. You ordered it done. Nothing has been done 
except by your orders, and it is too late in the day for you to 
order things done and then go back on it, and go back on the 
men who have carried out your orders. You cannot soiu pig on 
me, and I will be d — d if I will stand it. You are as much to 
blame as any one, and you know that we have done nothing ex- 
cept what you ordered done. I know that I have obeyed orders, 
and by G — d 1 will not be lied on." 

Colonel Dame was much excited. He choked up, and would 
have gone away, but he knew Haight was a man of determina- 
tion, and would not stand any foolishness. 

As soon as Colonel Dame could collect himself, he said : 

" / did not think there tvere so many of them, or I tuould not 
have had anything to do with it." 

I thought it was now time for me to chip in, so I said : 

" Brethren, what is the trouble between you? It will not do 
for our chief men to disagree." 

Haight stepped up to my side, a little in front of me, and fac- 
ing Colonel Dame. He was very mad, and said : 
• " The trouble is just this : Colonel Dame counseled and ordered 
me to do this thing, and now he wants to back out, and go back 
on me, and by G — d, he shall not do it. He shall not lay it all on 
me. He cannot do it. He must not try to do it. I will bloiu 
him to h — I before he shall lay it all on me. He has got to stand 
up to what he did, like a little man. He knows he ordered it 
done, and I dare him to deny it." 



LEE'S CONFESSION, 247 

Colonel Dame was perfectly cowed. He did not offer to deny 
it again, but said : 

" Isaac, I did not know there were so many of them." 

*'That makes no difference," said Haight, "you ordered me 
to do it, and you have got to stand up for your orders.'' 

I thought it was now time to stop the fuss, for many of the 
young brethren were coming around. So I said : 

"Brethren, this is no place to talk over such a matter. You 
will agree when you get where you can be quiet, and talk it 
over." 

Haight said, "There is no more to say, for he knows he or- 
dered it done, and he has got to stand by it." 

That ended the trouble between them, and I never heard of 
Colonel Dame denying the giving of the orders any more, until 
after the Church authorities concluded to offer me up for the 
sins of the Church. 

We then went along the field, and passed by where the breth- 
ren were at work covering up the bodies. They piled the dead 
bodies up in heaps, in little gullies, and threw dirt over them. 
The bodies were only lightly covered, for the ground was hard, 
and the brethren did not have sufficient tools to dig with. I 
suppose it is true that the first rain washed the bodies all out 
again, but I never went back to examine whether it did or not. 

We then went along the field to where the corral and camp 
had been, to where the wagons were standing. We found that 
the Indians had carried off all of the wagon covers, and the 
clothing, and the provisions, and had emptied the feathers out of 
the feather-beds, and carried off all the ticks. 

After the dead were covered up or buried (but it was not 
much of a burial,) the brethren were called together, and a 
council was held at the emigrant camp. All the leading men 
made speeches ; Colonel Dame, President Haight, Klingensmith, 
John M. Higbee, Hopkins and myself. The speeches were 
first — Thanks to God for delivering our enemies into our hands ; 
next, thanking the brethren for their zeal in God's cause ; and 
then the necessity of always saying the Indians did it alone, and 
that the Mormons had nothing to do with it. The most of the 
speeches, however, were in the shape of exhortations and com- 
mands to keep the whole matter secret from every one but 
Brigham Young. It was voted unanimously that any man who 
should divulge the secret, or tell who was present, or do any- 



248 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

thing that would lead to a discovery of the truth, should suffer 
death. 

The brethren then all took a most solemn oath, binding them- 
selves under the most dreadful and awful penalties, to keep the 
whole matter secret from every human being, as long as they 
should hve. No man was to know the facts. The brethren were 
sworn not to talk of it among themselves, and each one swore to 
help kill all who proved to be traitors to the Church or people in 
this matter. 

It was then agreed that Brigham Young should be informed 
of the whole matter, by some one to be selected by the Church 
Council, after the brethren had returned home. 

It was also voted to turn all the property over to Klingen- 
smith, as Bishop of the Church at Cedar City, and he was to 
take care of the property for the benefit of the Church, until 
Brigham Young was notified, and should give further orders 
what to do with it. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

<30NFESSI0N CONTINUED AND CONCLUDED, MARCH 16, 1877, SEVEN 
DAYS PKIOK TO HIS EXECUTION. 

COLONEL DAME then blest the brethren and we prepared 
to go to our homes. I took my little Indian boy, Clem, 
on the horse behind me, and started home. I crossed the moun- 
tains and returned the same way I had come. 

When I got in about two miles of Harmony, I overtook a 
body of about forty Indians, on their way home from the massa- 
cre. They had a large amount of bloody clothing, and were 
driving several head of cattle that they had taken from the 
emigrants. 

The Indians were very glad to see me, and said I was their 
Captain, and that they were going to Harmony with me as my 
men. It was the orders from the Church authorities to do 
everything we could to pacify the Indians, and make them the 
fast friends of the Mormons, so I concluded to humor them. 

I started on and they marched after me until we reached the 
fort at Harmony. We went into the fort and marched round 
inside, after which they halted and gave their whoop of victory, 
which means much the same with them as the cheers do with the 
whites. I then ordered the Indians to be fed; my family gave 
them some bread and melons, which they eat, and then they left 
me and went to their tribe. 

I will here state again that on the field, before and after the 
massacre, and again at the council at the emigrant camp, the 
day after the massacre, orders were given to keep evefything 
secret^ and if any man told the secret to any human being, he 
was to be killed, and I assert as a fact that if any man had told 
it then, or for many years afterwards^ he ivoulcl have died, for 
some '•''Destroying Angel" would have followed his trail and 
sent him over the "?*tm of the basiii," 
249 



250 MOEMONISM UXVEILED. 

From that day to this it has been the understanding with all 
concerned in that massacre, that the man who divulged the 
secret should die; he was to be killed, wherever he was found, 
for treason to the men who killed the emigrants, and for his 
treason to the Church. No man was at liberty to tell his wife, or 
any one else, nor were the brethren permitted to talk of it even 
among themselves. Such were the orders and instructions, from 
Brlgham Young down to the lowest in authority. The orders 
to lay it all to the Indians, were just as positive as they were tO' 
keep it all secret. This was the counsel from all in authority, 
and for years it was faithfully observed. 

The children that were saved were taken to Cedar City, and 
other settlements, and put out among different families, where- 
they were kept until they were given up to Dr. Forney, the 
Agent of the United States, who came for them. 

I did not have anything to do with the property taken from 
the emigrants, or the cattle, or anything eke, for some three 
months after the massacre, and then I only took charge of the 
cattle because I was ordered to do so by Brigham Young. 

There were eighteen wagons in all at the emigrant camp. 
They were all wooden axles but one, and that was a light iron 
axle ; it hnd been hauled by four mules. There were something 
over five hundred head of cattle, but I never got the half of 
them. The Indians killed a large number at the time of the 
massacre, and drove others to their tribes when the}^ went home 
from Mountain Meadows. Klingensmith put the Church brand 
on fifty head or more, of the best of the cattle, and then he and 
Haight and Higbee drove the cattle to Salt Lake City and sold 
them for goods that they brought back to Cedar City to trade on. 

The Indians got about twenty head of horses and mules. 
Samuel Knight, one of the witnesses on my trial, got a large 
sorrel mare ; Haight got a span of average American mules ; 
Joel White got a fine mare ; Higbee got a good large mule ; 
Klingensmith got a span of mules. Haight, Higbee and Allen 
each took a wagon. The people all took what they wanted, and 
they had divided and used up much over half of it before I was 
put in charge. 

The first time I heard that a messenger had been sent ta 
Brigham Young for instructions as to what should be done with 
the emigrants, was three or four days after I had returned home 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 251 

from the Meadows. Then I heard of it from Isaac C. Haight, 
when he came to my house and had a talk with me. He said : 

'' We are all in a muddle. Haslem has returned from Salt 
Lake City, with orders from Brigham Young to let the emigrants 
pass in safety." 

In this conversation Haight also said : 

''I sent an order to Higbee to save the emigrants, after I had 
sent the orders for killing them all, but tor some reason the- 
message did not reach him. I understand the messenger did 
not go to the Meadows at all." 

I at once saw that we were in a bad fix, and I asked Haight 
what was to be done. We talked the matter over again. 

Haight then told me that it was the orders of the Council that 
I should go to Salt Lake Cit}^ and lay the whole matter before 
Brigham Young. I asked him if he was not going to write a re- 
port of it to the Governor, as he was the right man to do it, for 
he was in command of the militia in that section of country, and 
next to Dame in command of the whole district. I told him 
that it was a matter which really belonged to the military depart- 
ment, and should be so reported. 

He refused to write a report, saying : 

"You can report it better than I could write it. You are like 
a member of Brigham's family, and can talk to him privately 
and confidentially. I want you to take all of it on yourself that 
you can, and not expose any more of the brethren than you find 
absolutely necessary. Do this. Brother Lee, as I order you to 
do, and you shall receive a celestial reward for it, and the time 
will con>e when all who acted with us will be glad for the part 
they have taken, for the time is near at hand when the Saints 
are to enjoy the riches of the earth. And all who deny the faith 
and doctrines of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints 
shall be slain — the sword of vengeance shall shed their blood ; 
their wealth shall be given as a spoil to our people." 

At that time I believed everything he said, and I fully ex- 
pected to receive the celestial reward that he promised me. But 
now I say. Damn all such ^'celestial rewards'' as I am to get for 
what I did on that fatal day. 

It was then preached every Sunday to the people that the 
Mormons were to conquer the earth at once, and the people all 
thought that the millennium had come, and that Christ's reign, 
upon earth would soon begin, as an accomplished fact. 



252 JIOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

According to the orders of Isaac C. Haiglit, I started for Salt 
Lake City to report the whole facts connected with the mas- 
sacre, to Brigham Young. I started about a week or ten days 
after the massacre, and I was on the way about ten days. When 
I arrived in the city I went to the President's house and gave to 
Brigham Young a full, detailed statement of the whole affair, 
from first to last — only I took rather more on myself than I had 
^one. 

He asked me if I had brought a letter from Haight, with his 
report of the affair. I said : 

"No, Haight wished me to make a verbal report of it, as I 
was an eye witness to much of it." 

I then went over the whole affair and gave him as full a state- 
ment as it was possible for me to give. I described everything 
about it. I told him of the orders Haight first gave me. I told 
him everything. I told him that "Brother McMurdy, Brother 
Knight and myself killed the wounded men in the wagons, with 
the assistance of the Indians. We killed six wounded men." 

He asked me many questions, and I told him every particular, 
and everything that I knew. I described everything very fully. 
I told him what I had said against killing the women and chil- 
dren. 

Brigham then said : 

"Isaac (referring to Haight) has sent me word that if they 
had killed every man, woman and child in the outfit, there would 
not have been a drop of innocent blood shed by the brethren ; 
for tliey were a set of murderers, robbers and thieves." 

While I was still talking with him, some men came into his 
Jiouse to see him, so he requested me to keep quiet until they 
left. I did as he directed. 

As soon as the men went out, I continued my recital. I gave 
him the names of every man that had been present at the mas- 
sacre. I told him who killed various ones. In fact I gave him 
-all the information there was to give. 

When I finished talking about the matter, he said : 

" This is the most unfortunate affair that ever befel the Church. 
I am afraid of treachery among the brethren that were there. 
If any one tells this thing so that it will become public, it will 
work us great injury. I want you to understand now, that you 
are never to tell this again, not even to Heber C. Kimball. It 
must be kept a secret among ourselves. When you get home, I 



LEE'S CONFESSIOX. 253 

want you to sit down and write a long letter, and give me an ac- 
count of the affair, charging it to the Indians. You sign the 
letter as Farmer to the Indians, and direct it to me as Indian 
Agent. I can then make use of such a letter to keep off all 
damaging and troublesome enquiries." 

I told him that I would write the letter. (I kept my word ; 
but, as an evidence of his treachery, that same letter that he or- 
dered me to write, he has given to Attorney Howard, and he has 
introduced it in evidence against me on my trial.) 

Brigham Young knew when he got that letter just as well as 
I did, that it was not a true letter, and that it was onl}^ written 
according to his orders to throw the public off of the right trail. 
He knew that it was written simply to cast all the blame on the 
Indians, and to protect the brethren. In writing that letter I 
was still obeying my orders and earning that Celestial reward 
that had been promised to me. 

He then said, "If only men had been killed, I would not have 
cared so much; but the killing of the women and children is 
the sin of it. I suppose the men were a hard set, but it is hard 
to kill women and children for the sins of the men. This whole 
thing stands before me like a horrid vision. I must have time 
to reflect upon it." 

He then told me to withdraw and call next day, and he would 
give me an answer. I said to him, 

"President Young, the people all felt, and I know that I 
believed I was obeying orders^ and acting for the good of the 
Church, and in strict conformity with the oaths that we have all 
taken to avenge the blood of the Prophets. You must either 
sustain the people for what they have done, or you must 
release us from the oaths and obligations that we have taken." 

The only reply he made was, 

" Go now, and come in the morning, and I will give you an 
answer." 

I went to see him again in the morning. When I went in, he 
he seemed quite cheerful. He said, 

"I have made that matter a subject of praj^^er. I ivent light 
to God loitli it^ and asked Him to take the horrid vision from my 
sight, if it was a righteous thing that my people had done in 
killing those people at the Mountain Meadows. God answered 
me, and at once the vision was removed. I have evidence from 



554 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

God that He has overruled it all for good, and the action was a 
righteous one and well intended. 

The brethren acted from pure motives. The only trouble is 
they acted a liWe jprematurely ; they were a little ahead of time. 
I siistafn you and all of the brethren for what they did. All 
that I fear is treachery on the part of some one who took a part 
with you, but we will look to that." 

I was aijain cautioned and commanded to keep the whole 
thing as a sacred secret, and again told to write the report as 
Indian Farmer, laying the blame on the Indians. That ended 
our interview, and I left him, and soon started for my home at 
Harmony. 

Brigham Young was then satisfied with the purity of my 
motives in acting as I had done at the Mountain Meadows. Now 
he is doing all he can against me, but I know it is nothing but 
cowardice that has made him turn against me as he has at last. 

When 1 reported my interview with Young to Haight, and 
gave him Brigham's answer, he was well pleased ; he said that 
I had done well. He again enjoined secrecy, and said it must 
never be told. 

I remember a circumstance that Haight then related to me 
^bout Dan. McFarland. He said : 

*' Dan will make a bully warrior." 

I said, '' Why do you think so?" 

''Well," said he, " Dan came to me and said, ' You must 
get me another knife, because the one I have got has no g«)od 
stuff in it, for the edge turned when I cut a fellow's throat that 
day at the Meadows. I caught one of the devils that was trying 
to get away, and when I cut his throat it took all the edge off of 
my knife.' I tell you that boy will make a bully warrior." 

I said, " Haight, I don't belit ve you have any conscience." 

He laughed, and said, "Conscience be d — d, I don't know 
what the word means." 

I thought over the matter, and made up my mind to write the 
letter to Brigham Young and lay it all to the Indians, so as to 
get the matter off of my mind. I then wrote the letter that has 
been used in the trial. It was as follows : 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 255 

LETTER OF JOHN D. LEE TO BRIGHAM YOUNG. 
Harmony, Washington Co., U. T., ) 
November 20tb, 1857. ] 

To His Excellency^ Gov. B. Young ^ Ex-Officio and Superintendent 
of Indian Affairs ; 

Dear Sir: My report under date May lltb, 1857, relative to 
the Indians over whom I have charge as farmer, showed a 
friendly relation between them and the whites, which doubtless 
would have continued to increase had not the white mans been 
the first aggressor, as was the case with Capt. Fancher's com- 
pany of emigrants, passing through to California about the mid- 
dle of September last, on Corn Creek, fifteen miles south of Fill- 
more City, Millard County. The company there poisoned the 
meat of an ox, which they gave the Pah Vant Indians to eat, 
causing four of them to die immediately, besides poisoning a 
number more. The company also poisoned the water where 
they encamped, kiUing the cattle of the settlers. This un- 
guided policy, planned in wickedness by this company, raised 
the ire of the Indians, which soon spread through the south- 
ern tribes, firing them up with revenge till blood was in their 
path, and as the breach, according to their tradition, was a na- 
tional one, consequently any portion of the nation was liable to 
atone for that offense. 

About the 22d of September, Capt. Fancher and company fell 
victims to their ivrath, near Mountain Meadows ; their cattle and 
horses were shot down in every direction, their wagons and prop- 
erty mostly committed to the flames. Had they been the only 
ones that suff'ered we would have less cause of complaint. But the 
following company of near the same size had many of their men 
shot down near Beaver City, and had it not been for the inter- 
position of the citizens at that place, the whole company would 
have been massacred by the enraged Pah Vants. From this 
place they were protected by military force, by order of Col. 
W. H. Dame, through the Territory, besides providing the 
company with interpreters, to help them through to the Los 
Vaagus. On the Muddy, some three to five hundred Indians 
attacked the company, while traveling, and drove off several 
hundred head of cattle, telling the company that if they fired a 
single gun that they would kill every soul. The interpreters 
tried to regain the stock, or a portion of them, by presents, but 
in vain. The Indians told them to mind their own business, or 



256 3I0RM0XISM UNVEILED. 

their lives would not be safe. Since that occurrence no com- 
pany has been able to pass without some of our interpreters to 
talk and explain matters to the Indians. 

Friendly feelings yet remain between the natives and settlers 
and I have no hesitancy in saying that it will increase so long as 
we treat them kindly, and deal honestly toward them. I have 
been blest in my labors the last year. Much grain has been 
raised for the Indians. 

I herewith furnish you the account of W. H. Dame, of Paro- 
wan, for cattle, ^ua^07^s, etc. 

Farnisbed for the benefit of the Chief Owanup, (ss.) for 
Two Yoke of oxen, $100 each, one wagon and chains 
$75. 'Total $ 275 00' 

Two cows $30 each, for labor $80, 140 00 

Total $ 415 00' 

P. K. Smith, Cedar City, Iron County, 

For two yoke cattle $100 each, and Mo. 2 Weekses Band... ^ 200 00 

One cow $35, do one wagon $80, total, 115 00 

Total $ 315 00 

Jacob Hamblin's account for the benefit of Talse Gobbeth 

Band, Santa Clara, Washington Co., (ss.) 
Two yoke of cattle, $100 each, do one toagon, two chains, 

$100, total $ 300 00 

Two cows $35 each, total 70 00 

Total $ 370 00 

Henry Barney's account for the benefit of Tennquiches 
Band, Harmony, (ss.) 

For two yoke cattle $100, $ 200 00 

Do one loagon $100, do one plough $40, total 140 00 

Do four cows at $35 each, total ." 140 00 

For labor in helping to secure crops, etc 40 00 

Total $ 520 00 

For my services the last six months, and for provisions, 

clothing, etc $ 600 00 

Sum Total $2,220 00 

From the above report you will see that the wants of the 
Natives have increased commensurate with their experience and 
practice in the art of agriculture. 

With sentiments of high consideration, 

I am your humble servant, 

John D. Lee, 
Farmer to Pah Utes Indians. 
Gov. B. Young, Ex-oflScio and Superintendent of Indian affairs* 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 257 

I forwarded that letter, and thought I had managed the affair 
nicely. 

I put in the expense account of $2,220, just to show off, and 
to help Brigbam Young to get something from the Govern- 
ment. It was the way his Indian farmers all did. I never gave 
the Indians one of the articles named in the letter. No one of 
the men mentioned had ever furnished such articles to the In- 
dians, but I did it this way for safety. Brigham Young never 
spent a dollar on the Indians in Utah, while he was Indian 
Agent. The only money he ever spent on the Indians was when 
we were at war with them. Then they cost us some money, but 
not much. 

Brigham Young, well knowing that I wrote that letter just for 
the protection of the brethren, used it to make up his report to 
the Government about his acts as Indian Agent. I obeyed his 
orders in this, as I did the orders of Haight at the Mountain 
Meadows, and I am now getting my pay for my falsehood. I 
acted conscientiously in the whole matter, and have nothing to 
blame myself for, except being so silly as to allow myself to be 
duped by the cowardly wretches who are now seeking safety by 
hunting me to the death. 

The following winter I was a delegate to the Constitutional 
Convention, that met in Salt Lake City to form a constitution, 
preparatory to the application of Utah for admission into the 
Union. I attended during the entire session, and was often in 
company with Brigham Young at his house and elsewhere, and 
he treated me all the time with great kindness and consideration. 

At the close of the session of the Convention, I was directed 
by Brigham Young to take charge of all the cattle, and other 
property taken from the emigrants, and take care of it for the 
Indians. I did as I was ordered. When I got home I gathered 
up about two hundred head of cattle, and put my brand on them, 
and 1 gave them to the Indians, as they needed them, or rather 
when they demanded them. I did that until all of the emigrant 
cattle were gone. 

This thing of taking care of that property was an unfortunate 
thing for me, for when the Indians wanted beef, they thought 
they owned everything with my brand on it. So much so, that 
I long since quit branding my stock. I preferred taking 
chances of leaving them unbranded, for every thing with my 
brand on was certain to be taken by the Indians. I know that 
17 ^ 



258 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

it has been reported that the emigrants were very rich. That is 
a mistake. Their only wealth consisted in cattle and their 
teams. The people were comfortably dressed in Kentucky jeans 
and lindsey, but they had no fine clothing that I ever saw. 

They had but few watches. I never owned or carried one of 
the watches taken from the emigrants in my life, or had anything 
to do with any of their property, except to take care of the 
cattle for the Indians, as ordered to do by Brigham Young, as 
I have before stated in this confession. 

There is another falsehood generally believed in Utah, espe- 
cially among the Mormons. It is this. It has generally been 
reported that Brigham Young was anxious to help Judge Cra- 
dlebaugh arrest all the guilty parties. There is not one word of 
truth in the whole statement. Brigham Y'oung knew the name 
of every man that was in any way implicated in the Mountain 
Meadows Massacre. He knew just as much about it as I did, 
except that he did not see it, as I had seen it. 

If Brigham Y^'oung had wanted one man, or fifty men, or five 
hundred men arrested, all he would have had to do would have 
been to say so, and they would have been arrested instantly. 
There was no escape for them if he ordered their arrest. 
Every man who knows anything of affairs in Utah at that time 
knows this is so. 

It is true that Brigham made a great parade at the time, 
and talked a great deal about bringing the guilty parties to 
justice, but he did not mean a word of it — not a word. He did 
go South with Cradlebaugh, but he took good care that Cradle- 
baugh caught no person that had been in the massacre. 

I know that I had plenty of notice of their coming, and so 
did all the brethren. It was one of Brigham Young's cunning 
dodges to blind the government. That this is true I can prove 
by the statement of what he did at Cedar City while out on his 
trip with Judge Cradlebaugh to investigate the matter and ar- 
rest (?) the guilty parties. 

Judge Cradelbaugh and his men were working like faithful 
men to find out all about it, but they did not learn very much. 
True, they got on the right track, but could not learn it all, for 
Brigham Y^oung was along to see that they did not learn the facts. 

While at Cedar City, Brigham preached one night, but none 
of the Judge's party heard him. In his sermon, when speaking 
of the Mountain Meadows Massacre, he said: 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 



25& 



" Do you know who those people were that were killed at 
the Mountain Meadows? I will tell you who those people were. 
They were fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, cous- 
ins and children of those who killed the Saints, and drove them 
from Missouri, and afterwards killed our Prophets in Carthac^e 
jail. These children that the government has made such a stir 
about, were gathered up by the goverment and carried back to 
Missouri, to St. Louis, and letters were sent to their relatives to 
come and take them ; but their relations wrote back that they 
did not want them— that they were the children of thieves, out- 
laws and murderers, and they would not take them, they did 
not wish anything to do with them, and would not have them 
around their houses. Those children are now in the poor house 
in St. Louis. And yet after all this, I am told that there are 
many of the brethren who are willing to inform upon and swear 
against the brethren who were engaged in that affair. I hope 
there is no truth in this report. I hope there is no such person 
here, under the sound of my voice. But if there is, I will tell 
you my opinion of you, and the fact so far as your fate is con- 
cerned. Unless you repent at once of that unholy intention, 
and keep the secret of all that you know, you will die a dog's 
death, and be damned, and go to hell. I do not want to hear 
of any more treachery among my 2)eoj)le." 

These words of Brigham Young gave great comfort to all of 
us who were out in the woods keeeping out of the way of the 
officers. It insured our safety and took away our fears. 

There has been all sorts of reports circulated about me, and 
the bigger the lie that was told the more readily it was believed. 
I have told in this statement just what I did at the Moun- 
tain Meadows Massacre. The evidence of Jacob Hamblin is false 
intoto. Hamblin lied in every particular, so far as his evidence 
related to me. 

It is my fate to die for what I did ; but I go to my death with 
a certainty that it cannot be worse than my life has been for 
the last nineteen years. 

FACTS THAT I KNOW TO BE FACTS. 

As I have been in some respects a prominent man in the Mor- 
mom Church, the public may expect from me a statement of 
facts concerning other crimes and other things besides the Moun- 
tain Meadows Massacre. I do know some facts that I will state. 



260 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

I could give manj^ things that would throw light on the doings 
of the Church, if I had my journals, but as I said, nearly all of 
my journals have been made way with by Brigham Young ; at" 
least I delivered them to him and never could get them again. 

I have delivered to m}^ Counsel, Wm. W. Bishop, such jour- 
nals as I have, and shall leave the one that I am now keeping in 
prison, when I am released by death from the necessity of writ- 
ing down my thoughts from day to day, and he can make such 
use of it as he thinks best. 

My statement of outside matters must be brief, but such as 
they are, the public can rest certain of this thing, they are true. 

As many people think that Brigham Young cut me off from 
the Church, and refused to recognize me a short time after the 
massacre, I will relate a circumstance that took place ten years- 
after all the facts were known by him. 

In 1867 or 1868, 1 met President Brigham Young and suite, at 
Parowan, seventy miles from Washington, the place where a 
part of my family resided. Lieut. James Pace was with me. 
The Prophet said to me, that he wanted uncle Jim Pace to go 
with me and prepare dinner for him and his suite at Washington, 
within three days. We were tx) go by my herd on the plains and 
in the valleys, and take several fat kids along and have a gcx)d 
dinner for them by the time they got there. 

His will was our pleasure. We rode night and day, and felt 
thankful that we were worthy of the honor of serving the 
Prophet of the Living God. We did not consider the toil ot 
loss of sleep a sacrifice, in such a laudable undertaking. 

The time designated for dinner was one o'clock. The com- 
pany arrived at eleven o'clock, two hours ahead of time. The 
Prophet drove up in front of Bishop Covington's house, on the 
same block where I lived ; he halted about five minutes there, 
instead of driving direct to my house according to the previous 
arrangement. Then he turned his carriage around and got out 
with Amelia, his beloved, and went into the Bishop's house, leav- 
ing his suite standing in the streets. The peevish old man felt 
his dignity trampled on, because I was not present to the minute 
to receive him with an escort, to welcome and do homage to 
him upon entering the town. 

As soon as I learned of his arrival I hastened to make 
apologies. 

The Prophet heard my excuses, and said his family and 



LEE'S CONmSSION: 261 

brethren, all except himself and wife, could go to my house to 
-dinner, that he would not eat until about two o'clock. 

He then whispered to me and said, " Cut me a chunk off the 
breast of the turkey, and a piece of the loin of one of the fat 
Jvids, and put some rich gravy over it, and I will eat it at 2 P. M." 

At two o'clock I again made his will my pleasure, and car- 
ried his dinner to him as requested, when he did me the honor 
of eating it. The rest of the company went to my house and 
took dinner. 

Among my guests that day were George A. Smith, Bishop 
Hunter, John Taylor, W. Woodruff, several of the Prophet's 
sons and daughters, and many others. At dinner, George A. 
Smith and others of the Twelve Apostles laughed about the an- 
ger of Brigham, and said if the Old Boss had not got miffed, 
they would have lost the pleasure of eating the fat turkey. The 
party enjoyed themselves very much that day, and had many a 
laugh over the Prophet's anger robbing him of an excellent 
dinner. 

I had part of my family at Washington, but I also had quite a 
family still living at Harmony, where several of my wives were 
staying. 

The next morning the Prophet came to me and asked me if I 
was going to Harmony that night. I told him I did intend 
going. 

''I wish you would go," said he, "and prepare dinner for 
us." 

He then gave me full instructions what to prepare for din- 
ner, and how he wanted his meat cooked, and said the company- 
would be at my house in Harmony the next day at one o'clock, 
P. M. 

I at once proceeded to obey his instructions. I rode to Har- 
mony through a hard rain-storm, and I confess I was proud of 
my position. I then esteemed it a great honor to have the privi- 
lege of entertaing the greatest man living^ the Prophet of the Lord. 

My entire family at Harmony were up all night, cooking and 
making ready to feed and serve the Lord's anointed, and his 
followers. 

I killed beeves, sheep, goats, turkeys, geese, ducks and chick- 
ens, all of which were prepared according to instructions, and 
were eaten by Brigham Young and his party the next day. 

Prompt to time, the Prophet, the President of the Church 



262 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

and his suite, and an escort on horseback, came into the Fort, 
There were seventy-three carriages, besides the escort. I enter- 
tained the entire party, giving them dinner, supper and break- 
fast. 

In 1858 Governor Young called upon me to go and locate a. 
company of cotton growers, of which Joseph Ham was captain. 
This company was sent out by Governor Young and the 
leading men of Salt Lake City, to test the growing of cotton on 
the Santa Clara and Rio Virgin bottoms. In obedience to coun- 
sel, I located the company at the mouth of the Santa Clara River, 
about four miles south from where St. George now stands. 

In 1859 or 1860, the first trip that ex-Gov. Young took from 
Salt Lake City to Southern Utah, he went by way of Pinto, Moun- 
tain Meadows, Santa Clara and Washington. I was then at 
Washington, building a grist mill, some two miles west of the 
town, when he came along. 

I was sitting on a rock about thirty steps from the road. His 
carriage was in the lead, as was usual with him when traveling. 
When he came opposite where I was sitting, he halted and called 
me to his carriage, and bid me get in. I did so. He seemed glad 
to see me, and asked where I lived. I told him I lived on the 
same block that Bishop Covington did, that he would pass my 
door in going to the Bishop's, as I then thought he would put 
up with the Bishop, and not with a private person. 

In crossing the creek, on the way into town, the sand was- 
heavy. I went to jump out and walk. He objected, saying, 

''Sit still. You are of more value than horse-flesh yet." 

When we neared my residence, he said : 

" Is this where you live, John? " 

I said, "It is," pointing at the same time to the east end of 
the block, and said, *' That is where the Bishop lives." 

The old man made no reply, but continued on. Then he said, 

"You have a nice place here. I have a notion to stop with 
you." 

I said, "You are always welcome to my house." 

Then he said to the company, which consisted, I think, of sev- 
enty-three carriages, "Some of you had better scatter round 
among the brethren." 

About half the company did so. The rest, with the Prophet^ 
stayed at my house. 

The next day, the whole company went on to Tokervilley 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 



263 



twenty miles from my residence. I went with Ihcm to that 
place. In the evening all went to St. George, and held a two- 
days' meeting. At the close of the meeting, the Prophet called 
me to the stand, and said, 

"John, I will be at New Harmony on Wednesday next.'* 
(By way of explanation, I will here say, the town of Harmony 
changed its location three times. The first fort was built at the 
crossing of the north fork of Ash Creek, in 1852, and was aban- 
doned in 1853, during the war with the Ute Indians. In 1855, 
a new site was selected, four miles north-west of Harmony 
No. 1, and an adobe fort was built two hundred feet square, and 
twenty-two feet high. In 1860, Harmony No. 2 was demolished 
by a rain-storm, which continued twenty-eight days without 
stopping. At once after that, a site was selected at the head of 
Ash Creek, where a new settlement was started, which was 
called New Harmony.) '^I want you to go and notify the 
Saints, and have a Boivenj built, and prepare for our reception." 

Jas. H. Imday was then President of that place, and was at 
the meeting. I here again tried to make the will of the Prophet 
my pleasure. I traveled all night, and reported the orders of 
the Prophet to the people. 

Great preparations were made for his reception. A commit- 
tee of arrangements was appointed, also a committee to wait on 
his Honor. Also an escort of fifteen men was selected to ac- 
company this committee. They went out fifteen miles, where 
they met the Prophet and his followers and made a report of our 
proceedings. He thanked them, and said, "I am going to 
stop with Brother John D.," as he often called me. I took no 
part in the proceedings except to report the will of the Prophet 
to the people. I went on horseback alone, and met the Presi- 
dent, a he is now called. I met him a mile or more outside of 
the town. As I rode up he halted, and said, 

" John, I am going to stop with you." 

I replied, "You know you are always welcome.'* 

He then drove to the center of the town and halted : then 
he said, 

"John, where do you live?" 

I pointed across the field about half a mile. 

Said he, " Have they fenced you out? You take the lead, and 
we will break a road to your house." 

It being his will, we started and went to my house, sixteen 



264 3I0B3I0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

carriages going along with us. Quite a number of the Presi- 
dent's company had gone by Kanab, to Cedar City, to hold 
meetings in the settlements they would go through. The ar- 
rangements of the committee were treated with indifference, if 
not contempt by the President and his party. All the company 
but one carriage went to my house, that one stopped at James 
Pace's. During their stay at my house all were friendly. 
Brigham Young asked me to go with them to Cedar City, which 
I did. 

In 1870, sometime in the Fall, I went from Parowan, by way 
of Panguich, up the Severe River with Brigham Young, on a 
trip to the Pareah country. On this trip I was appointed a road 
commissioner, with ten men to go ahead, view out and prepare 
the road for the President and his company to travel over. 

While at Upper Kanab, I had a private interview with the 
Prophet, concerning my future destination. Brigham said he 
thought I had met with opposition and hardships enough to 
entitle me to have rest the balance of my life. That I had best 
leave Harmony, and settle in some of those good places farther 
South; build up a home and gather strength around me, and 
after a while we would cross over into Arizona Territory, near 
the San Francisco Mountains, and there establish the order of 
Enoch, or United Order. We were to take a portable steam 
saw mill to cut lumber with which to build up the Southern set- 
tlements, and I was to run the mill in connection with Bishop 
L. Stewart. This I then considered an additional honor shown 
me by the Prophet. 

From Upper Kanab, I was sent across the mountains to Low- 
er Kanab, to Bishop Stewart's, to have him carry supplies to the 
Prophet and company. I had to travel sixty miles without a 
trail, but I was glad of a chance to perform any duty that 
would please the Prophet. I again met the company, and went 
with the part}^ to Tokerville, where I closed arrangements with 
President Young about the saw mill. All was understood and 
agreed upon, and we parted in a very friendly manner. 

About two weeks after leaving President Young and party at 
Tokerville, I was notified that I had been suspended from the 
Church. 

The following Spring, I visited the Prophet at St. George, and 
asked him why they had dealt so rashly with me, without allow- 
ing me a chance to speak for myself ; why they had waited seven- 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 265^ 

teen years and then cut me off; why I was not cut off at once if 
what I had done was evil. 

He replied, " I never knew the facts until lately." 

I said, ''President Young, you know that is not true. You 
know I told the whole story to you a short time after it happened, 
and gave you a full statement of everything connected witli the 
massacre, and I then put more on myself than I was to blame 
for ; and if your late informants have told you a story different 
from the one that I gave you soon after the massacre, when I 
reported the facts to you by order of Major Haight, they have 
lied like h — 1, and you know it. I did nothing designedly 
wrong on that occasion. I tried to save that company from de- 
struction after they were attacked, but I was overruled and 
forced to do all that I did do. I have had my name cast out 
as evil, but I know 1 have a reward awaiting me in Heaven. I 
have suffered in silence, and have done so to protect the breth- 
ren who committed the deed. I have borne the imputation of 
this crime long enough, and demand a rehearing. I demand 
that all the parties concerned be brought forward and forced by 
you to shoulder their own sins. I am willing to bear mine, but 
I will not submit to carry all the blame for those who commit- 
ted the massacre. 

The reply he made was this : 

"Be a man, and not a baby. I am your friend, and not your 
enemy. You shall have a rehearing. Go up to the office and 
see Brother Erastus Snow, and arrange the time for the hearing." 

I did so. We arranged the time of meeting. It was agreed 
that if the telegraph wires were working, all parties interested 
were to be notified of the meeting, and required to be present 
at St. George, Utah, on the following Wednesday, at 2, P. M. 

All parties agreed to this, and after talking over the whole 
thing, I again parted with President Young, in a very friendlj 
manner. 

I went to Washington and staid at my house and with mj 
family there. The next morning I started for Harmony, to visit 
my family there, and make arrangements for the rehearing that 
was to me of the greatest of importance. I then considered 
that if I was cut off from the Church I had better be dead ; that 
out of the Church I could find no joys worth living for. 

Soon after I left Washington, Erastus Snow, one of the twelre 
apostles, arrived at my house and asked for me. My family told 



2G6 M0nJI0yiS3I UNVEILED. 

him that I had gone to Harmony to arrange for the new hearing^ 
and trial before the Church authorities. He appeared to be much 
disappointed at not meeting me, and told my family that Brig- 
ham Young had reconsidered the matter, and there would be no 
rehearing or investigation ; that the order cutting me off from the 
Church would stand ; that he would send a letter to me which 
would explain all the matter, and that the letter would reach 
Harmony about as soon as I did. 

On the next Tuesday night an anonymous letter was left at my 
house by one of the sons of Erastus Snow, with orders to hand 
it to me. The letter read as follows; 

" John D. Lee, of Washington : 

^'' Dear Sir: If you will consult your own interest, and that of 
those that would be your friends, you will not press an investi- 
gation at this time, as it will only serve to implicate those that 
would be your friends, and cause them to suffer with, or inform 
upon you. Our advice is to make yourself scarce, and keep out 
of the way." 

There was no signature to the letter, but I knew it came from 
apostle Snow, and was written by orders of Brigham Young. 

When I read the letter I knew I had nothing to hope for from 
the Church, and my grief was as great as I could bear. To add 
to my troubles, Brigham Young sent word to my wives that they 
were all divorced from me and could leave me, if they wished ta 
do so. This was the greatest trouble that I ever had in my life^ 
for I loved all my wives. 

As the result of Brigham's advice, eleven of my wives deserted 
me, and have never lived with me since that time. I gave them 
all a fair share of the property that I then owned. I afterwards 
lost my large ferry-boat at my ferry on the Colorado River. 
Brigham Young was anxious to have the ferry kept in good con- 
dition for passing the river, for he did not know what hour he 
might need it, so he yent parties who put in another boat, which 
I afterwards paid him for. 

I visited Brigham Young at his house in St. George in 1874^ 
and never was received in a more friendly manner. He could 
always appear the saint when he was meditating treachery to one 
of his people. He then promised to restore me to membership 
in a short time. 

Soon afterwards I was arrested (on or about the 9th of No- 



LEW 8 CONFESSION. 267 

vember, 1874), and taken to Fort Cameron, in Beaver County, 
Utah Territory, and placed in prison there. A few days after 
my arrest I was visited in prison by General George A. Smith, 
Oison Hyde, Erastus Snow, A. F. McDonald, and many other 
leaders of the Church. They each and all told me to stand to 
my integrity, and all would come out right in the end. 

At this time the Prophet was stopping with Bishop Murdock, 
in Beaver City. My wife Rachel went at night to see him and 
have a talk about my case. He received her with the utmost 
kindness, saying: 

'' Sister Rachel, are you standing by Brother John?*' 

*'l^es, sir, I am," was her reply. 

''That is right," said he. "God bless you for it. Tell 
Brother John to stand to his integrity to the end, and not a hair 
of his head shall be harmed." 

This kindness was continued by the Churchmen until I wa&- 
released on bail, in May, 1875. 

And I will here say, I did not believe, until I was released on 
bail, that any member of the Church would desert me. I had 
every confidence that Brigham Young would save me at last. I 
knew then, as I know now, that he had the power, and I thought 
he had the will, to save me harmless. No man can be convicted 
in Utah if Brigham Young determines to save him, and I had his 
solemn word that I should not suffer. But now, when it is too 
late for me to help myself, I find I am selected by him as a vic- 
tim to be offered up to keep the Gentiles from prosecuting any 
of his pets for murder or other crimes. 

When I gained my freedom after nearly two years of imprison- 
ment, I found that some of the good Saints had been tampering 
with my wife Emma, to get the ferry out of my hands. The 
''One-Eyed Pirate," as the Tribune calls him, told her that I 
was not a brother in the Church, and had tried to alienate her 
affections from me. 

Up to this time I had always tried to make the will of the 
Priesthood my pleasure, but this last act of their kindness to- 
wards a brother who had been in prison for nearly two years, 
began to shake my faith in the anointed of the Lord. 

The loss of the ferry — for 1 virtually lost control of it by their 
treachery — was a great blow to me in my destitute condition. I 
then felt that the time was near approaching when they would 



•268 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

sacrifice and sell me to screen their pets and cover up their own 
sins. 

When I came before the court, on the 11th day of September, 
1876, I was met with the same hypocritical smile and whisper, 
as on other occasions, and told to "Stand to your integrity. 
Let the will of the Lord's anointed be your pleasure. My mouth 
is sealed, but I know you will come out all right." 

So they talked to me, the leaders of the Church and its prom- 
inent men, all telling me the same thing, while at the same time 
those low, deceitful, treacherous, cowardly, dastardly sycophants 
and serfs had combined to fasten the rope around m^^ neck. No 
doubt they thought they could lull me to sleep, until they could 
kill and make a scape-goat of me, to atone for the sins of the 
whole Church, which fulty endorsed this treacherous treatment, 
as has been established by the oaths given by the false, 
treacherous, sneaking witnesses who came on the stand by order 
and command of the Church, to consummate the vile scheme 
formed for my destruction 

This last act of their charitable kindness let me out with them. 
All that I have made by making their will my pleasure, and 
yielding myself to their wishes, is the loss of my reputation, my 
fortune, my near and dear supposed friends, my salvation, and 
my all. My life now hangs on a single thread. 

But is there no help for the widow's son? I can no longer ex- 
pect help from the Church, or those of the Mormon faith. If 
I escape execution, it will be through the clemency of the 
nation, many of whose noble sons will dislike to see me sacri- 
ficed in this way. I acknowledge that I have been slow to lis- 
ten to the advice of friends, who have warned me of the danger 
and treachery that awaited me. Yet I ask pardon for all the in- 
gratitude with which I received their advice. When the people 
consider that I was ever taught to look upon treachery with hor- 
ror, and that I have never permitted *one nerve or fibre of this 
old frame to weaken or give way, notwithstanding the fact that 
I have been cut loose, and cast oflf and sacrificed by those who 
from their own stand-point, and according to their own theory, 
should have stood by me to the last, they may have some com- 
passion for me. Perhaps all is for the best. 

As it now stands, I feel free from all the obligations that have 
liitherto sealed my mouth, so far as the deeds of which I stand 
accused are concerned. I now consider myself at liberty to, 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 269^ 

and I now will state all the facts in the case, with which I am 
familiar. I am no traitor ; I am only acting just to my own rep- 
utation. I am not sorry for the stand which I have taken, or 
my long silence. 

THE TRUTH ABOUT " DIRTY FINGERED JAKE " HAMBLIN AND THE 
ACTS OF SOME GOOD SAINTS. 

Jacob Hamblin, commonly called "Dirty Fingered Jake," 
when called as a witness, gave as a reason for his long silence, 
concerning what he says I told him, that he was waiting for the 
right time to come, and he thought it had come now. 

This reminds me of a circumstance that was related by Joseph 
Knight and John Lay, who were missionaries to the Indians un- 
der President Jacob Hamblin, at his headquarters at Santa Clara 
Fort, in 1859. In the Fall of 1859 two young men, on , their 
way to California, stopped at the fort to recruit their jaded ani- 
mals, and expecting that while doing so they might be so fortu- 
nate as to meet with some train of people going to the same 
place, so they would have company to San Bernardino, the 
young men staid at the fort some two months, daily expecting a 
company to pass that way, but still no one came. Hamblin as- 
sured them that they could go through the country with perfect 
safety. At the same time he had his plans laid to take their 
lives as soon as they started. The Indians around the fort want- 
ed to kill the men at once, but Hamblin objected, and told the 
Indians to wait until the men got out on the desert — that if they 
would wait until the right time came they might then kill the 
men. 

At last these young men started from the fort. Hamblin had 
told the Indians that the right time had come, and that he want- 
ed the Indians to ambush themselves at a point agreed on near 
the desert, where the men could be safely killed. The Indians 
obeyed HambUn's orders, and as the men came to the place of 
ambush the Indians fired upon them, and succeeded in kiUing 
one of the men. The other returned the fire, and shot one of 
Hamblin' s right-hand men or pet Indians through the hand ; this 
Indian's name was Queets, which means left-handed. By wound- 
ing this Indian he managed to escape, and returned to the fort, 
but doing so with the loss of the pack animals, provisions and 
the riding animal of his partner that lay dead upon the desert. 
The survivor stayed with Mr. Judd for a few days, when a corn- 



270 3WBM0NtS3I UNVEILED. 

pany of emigrants passed that way, and with them he succeeded 
in making his escape from the death that Hamblin had planned 
for him. 

HambUn was at Salt Lake City when the Mountain Meadows 
Massacre took place, and he pretends to have great sympathy 
with and sorrow for their fate. I can only judge what he 
would have done towards the massacre if he had been at home 
by what he did to help the next train that passed tliat way. 
When this train was passing through the settlements, Hamltlin 
made arrangements with Nephi Johnson and his other interpre- 
ters (all of them were tools for Hamblin) how and wliere to re- 
lieve this company of the large herd of stock that belonged to 
the train. They had a large number of horses and cattle, more 
than tive hundred head in all. Several interpreters were sent on 
ahead of the train. One of these was Ira Hatch. They were 
ordered by Hamblin to prepare the Indians to make a raid upon 
the stock, and these men and Indians obeyed orders then the 
same as my brethren and I did with the first company. About 
10 o'clock, A. M., just after the train had crossed the Muddy, or 
a few miles bej^ond it on the desert, at tlie time and place as 
agreed on by Hamblin, and just as he had ordered it to be done, 
over one hundred Indians made a dash on the train and drove 
all the stock off to the Muddy. 

The emigrants fired at the Indians, but the treacherous Nephi 
Johnson was acting as a guide, interpreter and friend to the 
whites; in fact that was how he came to be along witti them — 
was to pretend to aid them and protect them from Indians, but 
in fact he was there by order of Hamblin, to make the Indian 
raid on the stock a success. 

Nephi Johnson rushed out and told the emigrants that if they 
valued their own lives they must not fire again, for if they did so 
he could not protect them from the cruelty of the savages — ihat 
the Indians would return and massacre them the same as they 
did the emigrants at Mountain Meadows. 

The actino: of Johnson and the other interpreters and spies 
that were with him, was so good that after a consultation the 
emigrants decided to follow his advice. The final conclusion 
was, that as Johnson was friendly with the Indians, and could 
talk their language, he should go and see the Indians, and try and 
get the stock back. 

The emigrants waited on the desert, and Johnson went to the 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 271 

Indians, or pretended to do so. After a few hours lie returned, 
and reported tiiat the Indians were very hostile, and threatened 
to attack the train at once ; that he was afraid he could not pre- 
vent it, and the only chance for the emigrants was in their in- 
stant departure ; that as the emigrants would be gaining a place 
of safety, he would, at the risk of his life, make an effort to keep 
the Indians back, and pacify them. Also that he would report 
to Hambiin as soon as possible, and raise a force of men at the 
fort, and get back the stock, if it could be done, and would write 
to the company, giving an account of his success, so they would 
get his letter at San Bernardino, and if he recovered the stock, 
the emigrants could send back a party to receive it, and drive it 
to California. 

Under the circumstances, the company adopted his plan, and 
he left them on the desert, with all their loose stock gone ; but 
the danger was over, for the stock was what Hambiin and John- 
son had been working for. 

Johnson returned and ordered the Indians to drive the stock to 
the Clara. The Indians acted like good Mormons, and obeyed 
orders. Hambiin gave them a few head of cattle for their ser- 
vices in aiding him to steal the drove. The remainder of the cattle 
and horses the secret keeper^ Hambiin, took charge of for the 
benefit of the Mission. As the cattle became fat enough for 
beef, they were sold or butchered for the use of the settlers. Some 
were traded to other settlements for sheep and other articles. 
In this way Hamlilin used all of the stock stolen from the 
Dukes Company, except some forty head. 

In order to keep up an appearance of honesty and fairness, 
Hambiin wrote a letter to Capt. Dukes, in the fall of 1860, 
saying that he had recovered a small portion of the company's 
stock from the Indians, by giving them presents, and that some 
of the stock had been traded to the settlers by the Indians. 
This letter was to be confirmed by all the missionaries and set- 
tlers, when the stock was to be called for b}' the former owners. 
No one was to give information that would lead to the dis- 
covery of the stock. 

This was always the way when the Mormons committed a crime 
against the Gentiles. All the brethren were to help keep the 
secret. Some of the Dukes Company came back to Hamblin's 
for their cattle and horses, and after three weeks' diligent 
rsearch among the secret k^epers^ they succeeded in getting about 



272 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

forty head of cattle, and returned with them to California. 
Several of the settlers were severely censured for giving the little 
information that was gived, which led to the recovery of that 
small portion of the large herd of cattle and horses that the 
Saints, Hamblin and Johnson, had stolen by the help of th© 
Indians, and the efforts of the brethren. 

THE MORMON METHOD OF DISPOSING OF SUSPECTED PERSONS. 

In the Winter of 1857-8 John Weston took an Irishman, that 
had been stopping with him as his guest several days, on a hunt, 
and when he got him in the brush and timber four miles west 
of Cedar City, he cut the throat of the Irishman and left the 
body unburied. A son of Weston said that his father received 
orders to kill the man because Isaac C. Haight considered him a 
spy. 

Near the same time, Philip Klingensmith laid in ambush to kill 
Robert Keyes (now a resident of Beaver City, Utah Territory), 
while Keyes was Irrigating in his field. Klingensmith wanted to 
kill Keyes because Keyes refused to give false testimony when 
requested to do so by Klingensmith, who was then Bishop of the 
Church. When Keyes came within a few feet of the hiding 
place of Klingensmith, this "holy" man raised his gun and took 
deliberate aim at Keyes' heart, but the cap bursted without ex- 
ploding the powder, and so Keyes escaped. 

After the Massacre, when Haight learned that Brigham Young 
did not fully approve of the deed, he then sought to screen him- 
self, Higbee and Klingensmith, by putting me between them and 
danger. He reported that I was the big captain that planned, 
led and executed it ; that the honor of such a noble deed for the 
avenging of the blood of the Prophets would lead to honor, im- 
mortality and eternal life in the kingdom of God ; that I must 
stand to my integrity ; that no man would ever be hurt. In this 
way it soon became a settled fact that I was the actual butcher 
and leader in that awful affair. Year by year that story has gained 
ground and strength, until I am now held responsible, and am 
to die, to save the Church. However, this is a regular trick of 
the Church leaders — use a man as long as he is of any use, and 
then throw him aside. 

As I have stated in other places in my writings, the people in 
Utah who professed the Mormon religion were at and for some 
time before the massacre full of wild-fire and fanatical zeal, anx- 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 273 

ious to do something to build up tlie Kingdom of God on earth 
and to waste away the enemies of the Mormon religion. At that 
time it was a common thing for small bands of people on 
their way from California to pass through by way of Cedar 
City oa their journey. Many of these people were killed 
simply because they were Gentiles. When a Gentile came 
into a town he was looked upon with suspicion, and most of the 
people considered every stranger a spy from the United States 
army. The killing of Gentiles was considered a means of grace 
and a virtuous deed. 

I remember an affair that transpired at the old distillery in 
Cedar City, just before the massacre. I was informed of it when 
I went to Cedar City, by the chief men there, and I may say I 
know it to be true. The facts are as follows: Three men came 
to Cedar City one evening ; they were poor, and much worn by 
their long journey. They were on their way to California. They 
were so poor and destitute that the authorities considered they 
were dangerous men, so they reported that they were spies from 
Johnston's army, and ordered the brethren to devise a plan to 
put them out of the way, decently and in order. That the will 
of God, as made known through Haight and Klingensmith, might 
be done, these helpless men were coaxed to go to the old distil- 
lery and take a drink. They went in company with John M. 
Higbee, John Weston, James Haslem and Wm. C. Stewart, and 
I think another man, but if so I have forgotten his name. The 
party drank considerable, and when the emigrants got under the 
influence of the whisky the brethren attacked them, and knocked 
the brains out of two of the men with the king-bolt of a wag- 
on. The third man was very powerful and muscular ; he fought 
valiantly for his life, but after a brief struggle he was over- 
come and killed. They were buried near Cedar City. 

This deed was sustained by all the people there. The parties 
who did the killing were pointed out as true, valiant men, zeal- 
ous defenders of the faith, and as fine examples for the young 
men to pattern after. 

ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE LIEUTENANT TOBIN. 

Sometime in the Fall of 1857, not long after the Mountain 

Meadows Massacre, it was decided by the authorities at Salt 

Lake City that Lieut. Tobin must be killed. Tobin had left a 

train at Salt Lake, joined the Church there, and afterwards mar- 

18 



274 3I0n3I0yiS3I Xm VEILED. 

ried a daughter of General Charles C. Rich, one of the Twelve 
Apostles. Tobin was quite a smart man, and soon after his mar- 
riage he was sent to England on a mission. 

While preaching in England, it was reported that he had 
committed adultery there, and he was ordered home. On 
his arrival in Salt Lake he was cut off from the Church, and 1 
think his wife was taken from him by order of the Church. He 
made several efforts to get out of the Territory. Finally he got 
with a company en-route for California, and left Salt Lake, in- 
tending to go to California, to escape the persecutions that were 
being forced upon him by the Church authorities. After he had 
been gone a few days the " Destroying Angels " were put on his 
trail, with orders to kill him without fail before they returned. 
Two desperate fanatics were selected, who knew nothing but to 
obey orders. Joel White and John Willis were the parties. 

They started on the trail, determined to kill Tobin when they 
could find him. They had no cause to find fault with him ; he 
had never injured them, but he had in some way fallen under 
the ban of the Church, and his death had been decreed. These 
vile tools of the Church leaders were keeping their oaths of 
obedience to the Priesthood, and were as willing to shed blood at 
the command of the Prophet or any of the apostles, as ever 
Inquisitor was to apply the rack to an offending heretic in the 
dungeons of the Inquisition. In fact Mormonism is Jesuitism 
refined and perfected. 

White and Willis overtook the company that Lieut. Tobin was 
traveling with, at a point at or near the crossing of the Magott- 
sey. They found where he was sleeping, and going right 
up to him as he lay on the ground, rolled up in his blanket, they 
shot him several times, and at last thinking him dead, they con- 
cluded to shoot him once more to make certain that he would 
not escape. So they put a pistol right up against his eye, and 
fired ; the ball put out his eye, but did not kill him. 

The " angels " made their escape and returned to Salt Lake 
City, and reported that their orders ivere obeyed. 

Severely wounded as he was, Lieut. Tobin recovered, and was 
when I last heard from him in the Union army. 

POWER OF THE PRIESTHOOD. 

At Parowan, in 1855 or 1856, there was a case that for a 
while shook my faith in the Church, but I soon got over it and 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 275 

-was like others, satisfied that all was done for the glory of God, 
but that I was so sinful that I could not understand it. 

There was a man living there by the name of Robert Gillespie. 
He was a member of the Church, had one wife, and owned a fine 
property. Gillespie wanted to be sealed to his sister-in-law, but 
for some reason his request was denied. He had known of 
others obtaining wives by committing adultery first and then 
being sealed to avoid scandal. So he tried it, and then went to 
the apostle George A. Smith, and again asked to be sealed to 
the woman ; but George A. had a religious fit on him, or some- 
thing else, so he refused to seal him or let him be sealed, giving 
as his reason for refusing, that Gillespie had exercised the rights 
of sealing without first obtaining orders to do so. A warrant 
was issued and Gillespie arrested and placed under guard, he 
was also sued in the Probate Court, before James Lewis, Pro- 
bate Judge, and a heavy judgment was rendered against him, 
and all his property was sold to pay the fine and costs. The 
money was put into the Church fund and Gillespie was broken 
up entirely and forced to leave the Territory in a destitute 
condition. 

Many such cases came under my observation. I have known 
the Church to act in this way and break up and destroy many, 
very many men. The Church was then, and in that locality, 
supreme. None could safely defy or disobey it. The Church au- 
thorities used the laws of the land, the laws of the Church, and 
Danites and "Angels " to enforce their orders, and rid the coun- 
try of those who were distasteful to the leaders. And I say as 
a fact that there was no escaj^e for any one that the leaders of 
the Church in Southern Utah selected as a victim. 

^ woodward's wife. 

The fate of old man Brafiett, of Parowan, was a peculiar one, 
and as it afterwards led me into trouble, I will give the story 
briefly, to show the power of the Priesthood and the peculiarity 
of the people there. 

Old man Braffett lived at Parowan, and in the Falfof 1855 a 
man by the name of Woodward came to Braff'ett's house and 
stopped there to recruit his teams before crossing the deserts. 
Woodward had two wives. He had lived in Nauvoo, and while 
there had been architect for the Nauvoo House. While Wood- 
ward and his family were stopping with Braffett, one of his wives 



276 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

concluded that she would be damned if she went to live in Cali- 
fornia — leaving the land of the Saints — and she asked to be di- 
vorced from Woodward and sealed to Braffett. At first Braffett 
refused to take her, but she was a likely and healthy woman. 
She made love to the old man in earnest, and finally induced 
him to commit adultery with her. The parties were discovered in 
the act by old Mrs. Braff'ett, and she was not so firm in the faith 
as to permit her husband to enjoy himself without making a fuss 
about it. The authorities were informed of Braffett' s transgres- 
sions, and he was arrested and taken before the Probate Judge 
and tried for the sin of adultery. He made a bill of sale of some 
of his property to me, for which I paid him before his trial. 
After hearing the case, the Probate Judge fined him $1,000, and 
ordered him to be imprisoned until the fine and costs were paid. 
Ezra Curtis, the then marshal at Parowan, took all of Braffett' s 
property that could be found and sold it for the purpose of pay- 
ing the fine, but the large amount of property which was taken 
was sold for a small sum, for the brethren would not bid much 
for property taken from one who had broken his covenants. 

Being unable to pay the fine, the old man was ordered to be 
taken to Salt Lake City, to be imprisoned in the prison there. 
I was selected to take him to Salt Lake. I took the old man 
there, and after many days spent in working with Brigham 
Young and his apostles, I succeeded in securing a pardon from. 
Brigham for the old man. 

Braffett was put to work at Salt Lake by Brigham Young. 
He dared not return home at that time. His property was all 
gone, and he was ruined. 

The part I took to befriend the old man made several of the 
brethren at Parowan mad at me, and they swore they would have 
revenge against me for interfering where I was not interested. 
I staid in Salt Lake some time, and when I started home there 
were quite a number of people along- All the teams were 
heavily loaded ; the roads were bad, and our teams weak. We 
all had to walk much of the time. After we had passed the Se- 
vere River the road was very bad. My team was the best in the 
whole company, and I frequently let some of the women wha 
were in the party ride in my wagon. One evening, just about 
dark, I was asked by a young woman, by the name of Alexan- 
der, to let her ride, as she was very tired walking. I had her 
get in the wagon with my wife Rachel, and she rode there until 




RACHEL. 




EMELINE. 

LEE'S FAVORITE WIVES. 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 277 

we camped for the night. I got into the wagon after dark and 
drove the team. We had ridden along this way an hour or so, 
when Rachel said she was going to ride a while in the next 
wagon, which was driven by m}^ son-in-law, Mr. Dalton. Soon 
after Rachel got out of the wagon, a couple of my enemies rode 
by. I spoke to them, and they rode on. As soon as these men 
reached the camp they reported that I had been taking improper 
privileges with Miss Alexander. »I was at once told to consider 
myself under arrest, and that as soon as we reached Parowan I 
would be tried by the Council for violating my covenants. I 
was surprised and grieved at the charge, for I was innocent, and 
the young woman was a very fine and virtuous woman, and as 
God is soon to judge me, I declare I never knew of her commit- 
ting any sin. But she had to suffer slander upon her good name 
simply because she was befriended by me. 

When we reached Parowan there was a meeting called by the 
Priesthood to try me. This Council was composed of the Pres- 
ident of that Stake of Zion and his two Counselors, the High 
Council, the City Council and the leading men of Parowan. It 
was a general meeting of the authorities, Church and civil, at 
Parowan. The meeting was held in a chamber that was used 
for a prayer circle. It was called a circle room, because the 
people met there to transact private business and to hold prayer 
in a circle, which was done in this way. All the brethren would 
kneel in a circle around the room, near enough to each other for 
their arms to touch, so that the influence would be more power- 
ful. When the meeting was called to order all the lights were 
put out, and I was taken into the room and placed on trial. The 
charge was stated to me and I was ordered to confess my guilt. 
I told them I was innocent ; that I had committed no crime — in 
fact had not thought of wrong. I told the truth, just as it was. " 
I was then ordered to stand one side. 

The young woman was then brought into the room, and as 
she came in a pistol was placed to m}^ head and I was told to 
keep silent. She was questioned and threatened at great length, 
but not all the threats that they could use would induce her to 
tell a falsehood. She insisted that I was entirely innocent. 

Next her father, an old man, was introduced and questioned. 
He told the Council that he had diligently enquired into the 
matter, and believed I was innocent. 

Neither the young woman nor her father knew who was in the 



278 M0BM0XIS3I UNVEILED. 

room. All they knew was that they were being examined be- 
fore the secret tribunal of Utah, and that a false oath in that 
place would ensure their death. 

When the evidence had been received and the witnesses re- 
tired ; the candles were again lighted. Then speeches were made 
by most of the men present, and every one but two spoke in 
favor of my conviction. Without taking a vote the meeting ad- 
journed, or rather left that place and went somewhere else to 
consult. I was left in the dark, the house locked and guards placed 
around the building. I was told that my fate would soon be 
decided, and I would then be informed what it was to be. I 
knew so well the manner of dealing in such cases that 1 expect- 
ed to be assassinated in the dark, but for some reason it was not 
done. 

Next morning some food was brought to me, but I was still 
kept a prisoner and refused the liberty of consulting with any 
friends or any of my family. 

Late that day I looked out of the window of the chamber 
where I was confined, and saw a man by the name of John Steel. 
He was first Counselor to the President of that Stake of Zion. I 
called to him and asked him to secure my freedom. After stat- 
ing the case to him he promised to see what could be done for 
me, and went off. Through his exertions I was soon release d^ 
I was told to go home and hold myself subject to orders — that 
my case was not yet decided. 

I went home, but for months I expected to be assassinated 
every day, for it was the usual course of the authorities to send 
an ''Angel" after all men who were charged or suspected oi 
having violated their covenants. 

Nothing further was done about the case, but it was held over 
me as a means of forcing me to live in accordance with the 
wishes of the Priesthood and to prevent me from again inter- 
fering with the Church authorities when they saw fit to destroy 
a man, as they destroyed old man Braffett, and I beheve it did 
have the effect to make me more careful who I befriended. 

In 1854 (I think that was the year) there was a young man, a 
Gentile, working in Parowan. He was quiet and orderly, but 
was courting some of the girls. He was notified to quit, and let 
the girls alone, but he still kept going to see some of them. 
This was contrary to orders. No Gentile was at that time 
allowed to keep company with or visit any Mormon girl or 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 



279 



woman. The authorities decided to have the young man killed, 
so they called two of Bishop Dames' Destroying Angels, Barney 
Carter and old man Gould, and told them to take that cursed 
young Gentile " over the rim of the basin.'' That was a term used 
by the people when they killed a person. 

The destroying angels made some excuse to induce the young 
man to go with them on an excursion, and when they got close 
to Shirts' mill, near Harmony, they killed him, and left his body 
in the brush. 

The Indians found the body, and reported the facts to me 
soon afterwards. I was not at home that night, but Carter and 
Gould went to my house and staid there all night. Rachel 
asked them where they had been. They told her they had been 
on a mission to take a young man, a Gentile, over the rim of the 
basin, and Carter showed her his sword, which was all bloody, 
and he said he used that to help the Gentile over the edge. 
Rachel knew what they meant when they spoke of sending him 
''over the rim of the basin." It was at that time a common 
thing to see parties going out of Cedar City and Harmony, with 
suspected Gentiles, to send them "over the rim of the basin," 
and the Gentiles were always killed. 

This practice was supported by all the people, and every 
thing of that kind was done by orders from the Council, or by 
orders from some of the Priesthood. When a Danite or a de- 
stroying angel was placed on a man's track, that man died, cer- 
tain, unless some providential act saved him, as in Tobin's case ; 
he was saved because the "angels" believed h^ was dead. 

The Mormons nearly all, and I think every one of them in 
Utah, previous to the massacre at Mountain Meadows, believed in 
blood atonement. It was taught by the leaders and believed by 
the people that the Priesthood were inspired and could not give 
a wrong order. It was the belief of all that I ever heard talk of 
these things — and I have been with the Church since the dark 
days in Jackson County — that the authority that ordered a 
murder committed, was the only responsible party, that the man 
who did the killing was only an instruynent, working by command 
of a superior, and hence could have no ill will against the person 
killed, but was only acting by authority and committed no 
wrong. In other words, if Brigham Young or any of his apos- 
tles, or any of the Priesthood, gave an order to a man, the act 
was the act of the one giving the order, and the man doing the 



280 3I0B3I0mS3I UNVEILED. 

act was only an instrument of the person commanding — ^just 
as much of an instrument as the knife that was used to cut the 
throat of the victim. This being the belief of all good Mormons, 
it is easily understood why the orders of the Priesthood were so 
blindly obeyed by the people. 

Another circumstance came to my knowledge soon after it was 
done that will speak for itself. Not far from the time of the 
Mountain Meadows massacre, there was an emigrant who 
claimed to be a Mormon, but I never knew whether he was one 
or not, that worked a number of months for Captain Jacob 
Huffine, at Parowan. This man wanted his pay ; it was not con- 
venient to pay him; he insisted on being paid, but not getting 
his wages, he determined to leave there. He started away from 
the settlement at Summit, about seven miles from Parowan. 
The Indians of Parowan were sent for and ordered to overtake 
and kill the man. They did so, and shot him full of arrows. 
The man called to the Indians and told them that he was a 
Mormon and they must not kill him. 

The Indians repUed by saying, 

"We know you, you are no Mormon, you are a Mericat; the 
Mormons told us to kill you.'* 

They then beat his head with rocks, and cut his throat, then 
went back to Parowan and reported what they had done. 

I was told all about this by the Indians. But I never enquired 
into the facts, for I then believed, and still have reasons to think 
the man was killed by authority. He had offended in some way, 
and his death was like that of many others, the result of orders 
from the Priesthood. 

KILLING OP ROSMOS ANDERSON, ETC. 

William Laney, of Harrisburg, Utah Territory, had formed 
the acquaintance of the famil}' of Aden while on a mission to 
Tennessee, and he was saved from a mob who threatened his 
death because he was a Mormon preacher. When Fan- 
cher's train reached Parowan, Mr. Laney met young Aden and 
recognized him as the son of the man who had saved his life. 
Aden told him that he was hungry, that he and his comrades 
had been unable to purchase supplies from the Mormons ever 
since they left Salt Lake City, and that there appeared to be a 
conspiracy that had been formed against that train by which the 
Mormons had agreed to starve the emigrants. Laney took 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 281 

young Aden to his bouse, gave him his supper, and let him sleep 
there that night. The next day Laney was accused by leading 
men with being unfaithful to his obligations. They said he had 
supported the enemies of the Church and given aid and comfort 
to one whose hands were still red with the blood of the Proph- 
ets. A few nights after that the Destroying Angels, who were 
doing the bidding of Bishop Dame, were ordered to kill William 
Laney to save him from his sins, he having violated his endow- 
ment oath and furnished food to a man who had been declared 
an outlaw by the Mormon Church. The "Angels" were com- 
manded by Barney Carter, a son-in-law of Wm. H. Dame, who 
now lives in Los Angeles County, California. The Angels 
called Laney out of the house, saying that Bishop Dame wished 
to see him. As Laney passed through the gate into the street, 
he was struck across the back of the head with a large club by 
Barney Carter. His skull was fractured somewhat and for many 
months Laney lay at the point of death, and his mind still shows 
the effect of the injury he then received, for his brain has never 
quite settled since. I have frequently talked with Laney about 
this matter, but as he was fully initiated into the mysteries of 
the Church, he knows that he will yet be killed if his life can be 
taken with safety, if he make public the facts connected with the 
conspiracy to take his life. He is still strong in the Mormon 
faith, and almost believes that Dame had the right to have him 
killed. At the time Carter attempted to take the life of Laney, 
the Mormon Church was under the blaze of the reformation, and 
punishment by death was the penalty for refusing to obey the 
orders of the Priesthood. 

One of the objects of the reformation was to place the Priest- 
hood in possession of every secret act and crime that had been 
committed by a man of the Church. These secrets were ob- 
tjjined in this way : a meeting would be called ; some Church 
leader would make a speech, defining the duties that the people 
owed to the Priesthood, and instructing the people why it was 
necessary that the Priesthood should control the entire acts of 
the people, and it was preached that to keep back any fact from 
the knowledge of the Priesthood was an unpardonable sin. After 
one or more such discourses, the people were called upon by 
name, commanded to rise from their seats, and standing in the 
midst of the congregation, to publicly confess all their sins. If 
the confession was not full and complete, it was also made the 



282 MOIiMONISM UNVEILED. 

duty of the members of the Church, or any one of them who 
knew that the party confessing had committed a crime, which he 
had not divulged, it was then to be made public by the party 
knowing the same. Unless the party then confessed, a charge 
was preferred against him or her for a violation of covenants^ 
and unless full confession and repentance immediately followed^ 
the sinful member was to be slain for the remission of his sins, 
it being taught by the leaders and believed by the people that 
the right thing to do with a sinner who did not repent and obey 
the Council, was to take the life of the offending party, and 
thus save his everlasting soul. This was called " Blood Atone- 
ment." The members who fully confessed their sins were again 
admitted into the Church and rebaptized, they taking new cove- 
nants to obey any and all orders of the Priesthood, and to re- 
fuse all manner of assistance, friendship or communication with 
those who refused a strict obedience to the authorities of the 
Church. 

The most deadly sin among the people was adultery, and 
many men were killed in Utah for that crime. 

Rosmos Anderson was a Danish man who had come to Utah 
with his family to receive the benefits arising from an association 
with the " Latter- Day Saints." He had married a widow lady 
somewhat older than himself, and she had a daughter that was 
fully grown at the time of the reformation. The girl was very 
anxious to be sealed to her step-father, and Anderson was 
equally anxious to take her for a second wife, but as she was a 
fine-looking girl, Klingensmith desired her to marry him, and 
she refused. At one of the meetings during the reformation 
Anderson and his step-daughter confessed that they had com- 
mitted adultery, believing when they did so that Brigham Young 
would allow them to marry when he learned the facts. Their 
confession being full, they were rebaptized and received into full 
membership. They were then placed under covenant that if they 
again committed adultery, Anderson should suffer death. Soon 
after this a charge was laid against Anderson before the Council, 
accusing him of adultery with his step-daughter. This Council 
was composed of Klingensmith and his two counselors ; it was 
the Bishop's Council. Without giving Anderson any chance to 
defend himself or make a statement, the Council voted that 
Anderson must die for violating his covenants. Klingensmith 
went to Anderson and notified him that the orders were that he 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 283 

must die by having his throat cut, so that the running of his 
blood would atone for his sins. Anderson, being a firm believer 
in the doctrines and teachings of the Mormon Church, made no 
objections, but asked for half a day to prepare for death. His 
request was granted. His wife was ordered to prepare a suit of 
clean clothing, in which to have her husband buried, and was 
informed that he was to be killed for his sins, she being directed 
to tell those who should enquire after her husband that he had 
gone to California. 

Klingensmith, James Haslem, Daniel McFarland and John M. 
Higbee dug a grave in the field near Cedar City, and that night, 
about 12 o'clock, went to Anderson's house and ordered him to 
make ready to obey the Council. Anderson got up, dressed 
himself, bid his family good-bye, and without a word of remon- 
strance accompanied those that he believed were carrying out 
the will of the ''Almighty God." They went to the place where 
the grave was prepared ; Anderson knelt upon the side of the 
grave and prayed. KUngensmith and his company then cut 
Anderson's throat from ear to ear and held him so that his blood 
ran into the grave. 

As soon as he was dead they dressed him in his clean clothes, 
threw him into the grave and buried him. They then carried 
his bloody clothing back to his family, and gave them to his wife 
to wash, when she was again instructed to say that her husband 
was in California. She obeyed their orders. 

No move of that kind was made at Cedar City, unless it was 
done by order of the "Council" or of the "High Council." 
I was at once informed of Anderson's death, because at that 
time I possessed the confidence of all the people, who would 
talk to me confidentially, and give me the particulars of all 
crimes committed by order of the Church. Anderson was killed 
just before the Mountain Meadows massacre. The killing of 
Anderson was then considered a religious duty and a just act. 
It was justified by all the people, for they were bound by the 
same covenants, and the least word of objection to thus treat- 
ing the man who had broken his covenant would have brought 
the same fate upon the person who was so foolish as to raise 
his voice against any act committed by order of the Church 
authorities. 

Brigham Young knew very well that I was not a man who 
would willingly take life, and therefore I was not ordered to do 



284 3I0BM0mS3I UNVEILED. 

his ])loody work. I never took part in any killing that was de- 
sired or ordered by the Church, except the part I took in the 
Mountain Meadows Massacre. I was well known by all the 
members of the Church as one that stood high in the confidence 
of Brigham Young, and that I was close-mouthed and rehable. 
By this means I was usually informed of the facts in every case 
where violence was used in the section of country where I re- 
sided. I knew of many men being killed in Nauvoo by the Dan- 
ites. It was then the rule that all the enemies of Joseph Smith 
should be killed, and I know of many a man who was quietly put 
out of the way by the orders of Joseph and his Apostles while 
the Church was there. 

It has always been a well understood doctrine of the Church 
that it was right and praiseworthy to kill ever^- person who spoke 
evil of the Prophet. This doctrine had been strictly lived up to 
in Utah, until the Gentiles arrived in such great numbers that it 
became unsafe to follow the practice, but the doctrine is still 
believed, and no year passes without one or more of those who 
have spoken evil of Brigham Young being killed, in a secret 
manner. 

Springfield, Utah, was one of the hot-beds of fanaticism, and 
I expect that more men were killed there, in proportion to pop- 
ulation, than in any other part of Utah. In that settlement it 
was certain death to say a word against the authorities, high or 
low. 

In Utah it has been the custom with the Priesthood to make 
eunuchs of such men as were obnoxious to the leaders. This 
was done for a double purpose : first, it gave a perfect revenge, 
and next, it left the poor victim a living example to others of 
the dangers of disobeying counsel and not living as ordered by 
the Priesthood. 

In Nauvoo it was the orders from Joseph Smith and his apos- 
tles to beat, wound and castrate all Gentiles that the police 
could take in the act of entering or leaving a Mormon household 
under circumstances that led to the belief that they had been 
there for immoral purposes. I knew of several such outrages 
while there. In Utah it was the favorite revenge of old, worn-out 
members of the Priesthood, who wanted young women sealed to 
them, and found that the girl preferred some handsome young 
man. The old priests generally got the girls, and many a young 
man was unsexed for refusing to give up his sweetheart at the 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 285- 

request of an old and failing, but still sensual apostle or mem- 
ber of the Priesthood. 

As an illustration I w^JI refer to an instance that many a good 
Saint knows to be true. 

Warren Snow was Bishop of the Church at Manti, San Pete 
County, Utah. He had several wives, but there was a fair, 
buxom young woman in the town that Snow wanted for a wife. 
He made love to her with all his powers, went to parties where 
she was, visited her at her home, and proposed to make her his 
wife. She thanked him for the honor offered, but told him she 
was then engaged to a young man, a member of the Church, and 
consequently could not marry the old priest. This was no suffi- 
cient reason to Snow. He told her it was the will of God that she 
should marry him, and she must do so ; that the young man 
could be got rid of, sent on a mission or dealt with in some way 
so as to release her from her engagement— that, in fact, a prom- 
ise made to the young man was not binding, when she was in- 
formed that it was contrary to the wishes of the authorities. 

The girl continued obstinate. The "teachers '* of the town vis- 
ited her and advised her to marry Bishop Snow. Her parents, 
under the orders of the Counselors of the Bishop, also insisted 
that their daughter must marry the old man. She still refused. 
Then the authorities called on the young man and directed him 
to give up the young woman. This he steadfastly refused to do. 
He was promised Church preferment, celestial rewards, and 
everything that could be thought of— all to no purpose. He re- 
mained true to his intended, and said he would die before he 
would surrender his intended wife to the embraces of another. 

This unusual resistance of authority by the young people made 
Snow more anxious than ever to capture the girl. The young 
man was ordered to go on a mission to some distant locality, so 
that the authorities would have no trouble in effecting their pur- 
pose of forcing the girl to marry as they desired. But the mis- 
sion was retused by the still contrary and unfaithful young 

man. 

It was then determined that the rebellious young man must 
be forced by harsh treatment to respect the advice and orders 
of the Priesthood. His fate was left to Bishop Snow for his de- 
cision. He decided that the young man should be castrated ; 
Snow saying, "When that is done, he will not be liable to want 



286 M0B3WNI8M UNVEILED. 

the girl badly, and she will listen to reason when she knows that 
her lover is no longer a man.'" 

It was then decided to call a meeting of the people who lived 
true to counsel, which was to be held in the school-house in Manti, 
at which place the young nian should be present, and dealt with 
according to Snow's will. The meeting was called. The young 
man was there, and was again requested, ordered and threatened, 
to get him to surrender the young woman to Snow, but true to 
his plighted troth, he refused to consent to give up the girl. 
The lights were then put out. An attack was made on the 
young man. He was severely beaten, and then tied with his 
back down on a bench, when Bishop Snow took a bowie-knife, 
and performed the operation in a most brutal manner, and then 
took the portion severed from his victim and hung it up in the 
school-house on a nail, so that it could be seen by all who 
visited the house afterwards. 

The party then left the young man weltering in his blood, 
and in a lifeless condition. During the night he succeeded in 
releasing himself from his confinement, and dragged himself to 
some hay-stacks, where he lay until the next day, Avlien he was 
discovered by his friends. The young man regained his health, 
but has been an idiot or quiet lunatic ever since, and is well 
known by hundreds of both Mormons and Gentiles in Utah. 

After this outrage old Bishop Snow took occasion to get up a 
meeting at the school-house, so as to get the people of Manti, 
and the young woman that he wanted to marry, to attend the 
meeting. When all had assembled, the old man talked to the 
people about their duty to the Church, and their duty to obey 
€Ounsel, and the dangers of refusal, and then pubhcly called at- 
tention to the mangled parts of the young man, that had been 
severed from his person, and stated that the deed had been done 
to teach the people that the counsel of the Priesthood must be 
obeyed. To make a long story short, I will say, the young 
woman was soon after forced into being sealed to Bishop Snow. 

Brigham Young, when he heard of this treatment of the 3'oung 
man, was very mad, but did notliing against Snow. He left him 
in charge as Bishop at Manti, and ordered the matter to be 
hushed up. This is only one instance of many that I might give 
to show the danger of refusing to obey counsel in Utah. 

It frequently happened that men would become dissatisfied 
with the Church or something else in Utah, and try to leave the 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 287 

Territory. The authorities would try to convince such persons 
that they ought to remain, but if they insisted on going, they 
were informed that they had permission to do so. When the 
person had started off, with his stock and property, it was 
nearly always the rule to send a lot of Danites to steal all the 
stock and run it off into the mountains; so that in the majority 
of cases the people would return wholly broken up and settle 
down again as obedient members of the Church. It was a rare 
thing for a man to escape from the Territory with all of his 
property, until after the Pacific Railroad was built through Utah . 
It was the general custom to rob the persons who were leaving 
the country, but many of them were killed, because it was con- 
sidered they would tell tales that should not be made public, in 
the event of their reaching Gentile settlements. 

Brigham Young discouraged mining at all times, and when 
any man found any metal he was ordered to keep it a secret. 
The people were taught to believe that the Latter-Day Saints 
would soon own all the wealth of the earth, and that no people 
but Mormons would be alive in a few years. That when the earth 
was conquered and the truths of Mormonism were universally 
acknowledged, the people would then have all the wealth they 
desired. Gold would be as plenty as silver, silver as plenty as 
brass, brass as plenty as stone, and stone as plenty as wood. 
That this gold, silver and other metals and precious stones 
would then be used for beautifying places of worship, and to 
make holy vessels of, and each man was to have all the wealth 
he could use or enjoy, if he was only faithful in these last days. 

As a matter to satisfy the pubUc, I will give the following facts 
connected with my personal history : 

When I moved to Nauvoo, I had one loife and one child. 
Soon after I got there, I was appointed as the Seventh Police- 
man. I had superiors in office, and was sworn to secrecy, and 
to obey the orders of my superiors, and not let my left hand 
know what my right hand did. It was my duty to do as I was 
ordered, and not to ask questions. I was instructed in the 
secrets of the Priesthood to a great extent, and taught to believe, 
as I then did believe, that it was my duty, and the duty of all 
men to obey the leaders of the Church, and that no man could 
commit sin so long as he acted in the way that he was directed 
by his Church superiors. I was one of the Life Guard of the 
Prophet Joseph Smith. 



288 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

HOW I FIRST HEARD OF THE DOCTRINE OF POLYGAMY. 

One day the Chief of Police came to me and said that I must 
take two more policemen that he named, and watch the house of 
a widow woman named Clawson. She was the mother of H. B. 
Clawson, of Salt Lake City. I w^as informed that a man went 
there nearly every night about ten o'clock, and left about 
day light. I was also ordered to station myself and my men 
near the house, and when the man came out we were to knock 
him down and castrate him, and not to be careful how hard we 
hit, for it would not be enquired into if we killed him. 

I did not believe that the Chief of Police knew j ust what he 
was doing. I felt a timidity about carrying out the orders. It 
was my duty to report all unusual orders that I received from 
my superiors on the police force, to the Prophet Joseph Smith, 
or in his absence, to Hyrum, next in authority. I went to the 
house of the Prophet to report, but he was not at home. I then 
called for Hyrum, and he gave me an interview. I told him the 
orders that I had received from the Chief, and asked him if I 
should obey or not. He said to me, 

" Brother Lee, 3^ou have acted wisely in listening to the voice 
of the Spirit. It was the influence of God's Spirit that sent you 
here. You would have been guilty of a great crime if you had 
obeyed your Chiefs orders." 

Hyrum then told me that the man that I was ordered to attack 
was Howard Egan, and that he had been sealed to Mrs. Claw- 
son, and that their marriage was a most holy one ; that it was in 
accordance with a revelation that the Prophet had recently re- 
ceived direct from God. He then explained to me fully the 
doctrines of polygamy, and wherein it was permitted, and why it 
was right. 

I was greatly interested in the doctrine. It accorded exactly 
with my views of the Scripture, and I at once accepted and be- 
lieved in the doctrine as taught by the revelations received by 
Joseph Smith, the Prophet. As a matter of course I did not 
carry out the orders of the Chief. I had him instructed in his 
duty, and so Egan was never bothered by the pohce. 

A few months after that I was sealed to my second wife. I 
was sealed to her by Brigham Young, then one of the Twelve. 
In less than one year after I first learned the will of God con- 
cerning the marriage of the Saints, as made known by Him in a 
revelation to Joseph Smith, I was the husband of nine tcives. 



LEE'S CONFESSION. 289 

I took my wives in the following order: first, Agatbe Ann 
Woolsey ; second, Nancy Berry ; third, Louisa Free (now one 
of the wives of Daniel H. Wells) ; fourth, Sarah C. Williams ; 
fifth, old Mrs. Woolse}^ (she was the mother of Agathe Ann 
and Rachel A. I married her for her soul's sake, for her sal- 
vation in the eternal state); sixth, Rachel A. Woolsey (I was 
sealed to her at the same time that I was to her mother) ; seventh, 
Andora Woolsey (a sister to Rachel) ; eighth, Polly Ann 
Workman; ninth, Martha Berry; tenth, Delithea Morris. In 
1847, while at Council Bluffs, Brigham Young sealed me to three 
women in one nighty viz., eleventh, Nancy Armstrong (she was 
what we called a widow. She left her first husband in Ten- 
nessee, in order to be with the Mormon people) ; twelfth, Polly 
V. Young; thirteenth, Louisa Young (these two were sisters.) 
Next, I was sealed to my fourteenth wife, Emeline Vaughn. In 
1851, I was sealed to my fifteenth wife, Mary Lear Groves. In 
1856, I was sealed to my sixteenth wife, Mary Ann Williams. 
In 1858, Brigham Young gave me my seventeenth wife, Emma 
Batchelder. I was sealed to her while a member of the Terri- 
torial Legislature. Brigham Young said that Isaac C. Haight, 
who was also in the Legislature, and I, needed some young 
women to renew our vitality, so he gave us both a dashing young 
bride. In 1859 I was sealed to my eighteenth wife, Teressa Morse. 
I was sealed to her by order of Brigham Young. Amasa Lyman 
oflSciated at the ceremony. The last wife I got was Ann Gordge. 
Brigham Young gave her to me, and I was sealed to her in Salt 
Lake by Heber C. Kimball. This was my nineteenth, but, as I 
was married to old Mrs. Woolsey for her soul's sake, and she 
was near sixty years old when I married her, I never considered 
her really as a wife. True, I treated her well and gave her all 
the rights of marriage. Still I never count her as one of my 
wives. That is the reason that I claim only eighteen true loives. 

After 1861 I never asked Brigham Young for another wife. 
By my eighteen real wives I have been the father of sixty-four 
children. Ten of my children are dead and fifty-four are still 
living. 

This is all I care to say about my own acts or the aflfairs of 
my family. 

I have but little more to say. 

To the jurymen who tried me, I say I have no unkind feelings. 
The evidence was strong against me, and with that, and the in- 
19 



290 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

structions of the Court as they were given, the jury could do 
nothing but convict. 

To the officers who have had me in charge during my confine- 
ment I return my thanks for their personal kindness. I give 
them the thanks of an old man, who is about to leave this earth 
and go to another sphere of existence. 

The few guardsmen who misused me I forgive, fdr they were 
not conscious of their own wickedness. 

If I have sinned and violated the laws of my country, I have 
done so because I have blindly followed and obeyed the orders 
of the Church leaders. I was guided in all that I did which is 
called criminal, by the orders of the leaders in the Church of 
Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. I have never knowingly 
disobeyed the orders of the Church since I joined it at Far 
West, Missouri, until I was deserted by Brigham Young and his 
slaves. 

I have selected Wm. W. Bishop as the person that I wish to 
publish my life and confessions, so that the world may know 
just what I did do, and why I acted as I have done. I have de- 
livered Mr. Bishop all of the manuscripts and private writings 
that are in my possession, and wish him to have all that I may 
hereafter write. I have assigned him all my writings, and he is 
the only person on earth who has a right to publish my life or my 
confessions. 

To my attorneys, one and all, who have given me their valua- 
ble services, I return my kindest thanks, and regret that poverty 
prevents my paying them for what they have done for me. 

To my family I say, may God pour rich blessings upon you, 
one and all. I ask you to live here on earth so that you can 
justly claim a seat in the realms of bhss after life's troubles are 
ended. 

To my enemies I say, judge not, that ye be not judged. In life 
you were often unjust to me. After I am dead remember to be 
charitable to one who never designedly did a wrong. 

CONCLUSION OF THE CONFESSION OF JOHN D. LEE. 

Written in prison at Fort Cameron, near Beaver City, Utah 
Territory. Delivered to Hon. Sumner Howard by John D. Lee, 
on the field of execution, just before the sentence of death was 
carried into effect. 



LEE'8 CONFESSION. 291 

Forwarded to Wm. W. Bishop, by Hon. Sumner Howard, 
■according to the last request of John D. Lee. 

Camp Cameron, March 13th, 1877. 
Morning clear, still and pleasant. The guard, George Tracy, 
informs me that Col. Nelson and Judge Howard have gone. 
Since my confinement here, I have reflected much over my sen- 
tence, and as the time of my execution is drawing near, I feel 
composed, and as calm as the summer morning. I hope to meet 
my fate with manly courage. I declare my innocence. I have 
done nothing designedly wrong in that unfortunate and lament- 
able affair with which I have been implicated. I used my 
utmost endeavors to save them from their sad fate. I freely 
would have given worlds, were they at my command, to have 
averted that evil. I wept and mourned over them before and 
after, but words will not help them, now it is done. My blood 
cannot help them, neither can it make that atonement required. 
Death to me has no terror. It is but a struggle, and all is over. 
I much regret to part with my loved ones here, especially under 
that odium of disgrace that will follow my name ; that I cannot 
help. 

I know that I have a reward in Heaven, and my conscience 
does not accuse me. This to me is a great consolation. I place 
more value upon it than I would upon an eulogy without merit. 
If my work is done here on earth, I ask my God in Heaven, in 
the name of His Son Jesus Christ, to receive my spirit, and 
allow me to meet my loved ones who have gone behind the vail. 
The bride of my youth and her faithful mother, my devoted 
friend and companion, N. A., also my dearly beloved children, 
all of whom I parted from with sorrow, but shall meet them 
with joy— I bid you all an affectionate farewell. I have been 
treacherously betrayed and sacrificed in the most cowardly man- 
ner by those who should have been my friends, and whose will 
1 have diligently striven to make my pleasure, for the last thirty 
years at least. In return for my faithfulness and fidehty to liim 
and his cause, he has sacrificed me in a most shameful and cruel 
way. I leave them in the hands of the Lord to deal with them 
according to the merits of their crimes, in the final restitution 
of all things. 

TO THE MOTHERS OF MY CHILDREN. 

I beg of you to teach them better things than to ever allow 



292 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

themselves to be let down so low as to be steeped in the vice^ 
corruption and villainy that would allow them to sacrifice the 
meanest wretch on earth, much less a neighbor and a friend, as 
their father has been. Be kind and true to each other. Do not 
contend about my property. You know my mind concerning it^ 
Live faithful and humble before God, that we may meet again 
in the mansions of bliss that God has prepared for His faithful 
servants. Remember the last luords of your most true and 
devoted friend on earth, and let them sink deep into your tender 
aching hearts ; many of you I may never see in this world again, 
but I leave my blessing with you. Farewell. 

I wish my wife Rachel to take a copy of the above, and all 
my family to have a copy of the original. My worthy attorney, 
W. W. Bishop, will please insert it in my record or history, 
should I not be able to write up my history to the proper place, 
to speak of my worthy friend Wm. H. Hooper. Please exoner: 
ate him from all blame or censure of buying the stock of that 
unfortunate company, as there is no truth in the accusation 
whatever. He is a noble, high-minded gentleman. And let it 
appear also of Bishop John Sharp, honorably, for the nobleness 
of the man who advanced me money in the time of trouble, and 
if my history meet with the favor of the pubhc, pay those two 
gentlemen. My friends Hoge and Foster, as well as yourself and 
Spicer, some. You understand our agreement. 

John D. Lee. 



CHAPTER XX. 

ARREST OF JOHN D. LEE BY WM. STOKES, DEPUTY UNITED STATES 

MARSHAL. 

WISHING to give a correct account of the arrest of John D. 
Lee, by William Stokes, Deputy United States Marshal for 
the District of Utah, I wrote a letter to Mr. Stokes, on the 28th 
day of March, 1877, asking him to give the full facts, as many 
contradictory statements relating thereto had been in general 
circulation. The following letter was written by Mr. Stokes, and 
I know from the general character of the writer that the same is 
true in every particular. I give the letter in the language of 
the writer. It explains itself; 

United States Marshal's Office, District of Utah, ) 
Beaver City, Utah, April 1st, 1877. j 
Wm. W. Bishop, Pioche, Nevada: 

My Dear Sir : Yours of the 28th of March at hand and con- 
tents noted. As requested, I send you all the facts of the ar- 
rest of John D. Lee, from the time the warrants were placed in 
my hands until I arrested him and brought him to Beaver City. 
I tell it in my own way, and you can use it as you see proper. 

About the first of October, 1874, warrants were placed 
in my hands for the arrest of Lee, Haight, Higbee, Stewart, 
Wilden, Adair, Klingensmith and Jukes (the warrant for the ar- 
rest of Dame not being placed in my hands at that time.) I re- 
ceived instructions from General George R. Maxwell, United 
States Marshal for the District of Utah, that Lee was the most 
important one of all those indicted, and that he wanted him ar- 
rested first, if possible, but that it was a dangerous undertaking, 
for he was satisfied by what he could learn that he would never 
be taken alive. He wanted me to take him alive, if possible, 
but not at too great a risk ; that he did not want to give me any 
plan of operations or particular instructions how to act, as he 
293 



294 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

believed that I knew more about that kind of business than he 
did, and that he did not wish to give any officer under him any 
plans when he was sure, as he was in this case, that it would be 
laying a plan to have one of his own officers killed. 

I took the case in hand, thinking at that time that I would 
have to go to Lee's place on the Colorado River. I was arrang- 
ing for that trip. 

On the 28th day of October, 1874, I started south from 
Beaver City, to summon jurors for the November term of the 
District Court for the Second Judicial District of Utah Territo- 
ry, to be held at Beaver City. I also intended to procure a 
guide, if I could do so, and go to the Colorado River to make 
the arrest. 

When I reached Parowan I learned that it was currently re- 
ported that Lee had come from the Colorado River, and was 
then in the southern counties of Utah. He was supposed to be 
at Harmony, because it was known that he had some accounts 
due him there, which he was then probably collecting, in the 
shape of provisions, to take back with him to the river. 

I at once started on again, on my way south, determined to 
attempt to arrest him at Harmony, and to do so alone, for I did 
not know where reliable aid could be had. I considered there 
was no time to lose, and that I was taking no more chances to 
attempt the arrest alone than I would be taking if I found him at 
the Colorado River, at his stronghold, even if backed by a strong 
force. 

On my way I met Thomas Winn. I told him what I was in- 
tending to do. I told him I was going to arrest Lee. Winn said 
he considered it almost madness, as it was reported that several 
of Lee's sons were with him, and all well armed. He kindly 
volunteered to go with me and take even chances. 

We finally decided that he should go to Iron City and get 
help, as there were then several men there that we could de- 
pend on. He was to get these men and be at Harmony by day- 
light on the morning of the 30th of October. I was to go to 
Harmony and get there soon after dark the night of the 29th of 
October, and make the arrest, if I thought I could do so and get 
away in safety in the cover of the night. If not, I was to find 
out where he was, and wait for assistance. 

When I got to Hamilton's Fort, eight miles south of Cedar 
City, I learned that Lee had left Harmony and gone back to the 




WILLIAM STOKES. 
(The Dep'y U. S. Marshal who arrested Lee.) 



ABREST OF JOHN D. LEE. 295 

Colorado River, by the way of Toquerville, and was then sev- 
eral days ahead of me. I then sent a boy out on the Iron City 
road to stop Winn and send him back. 

I proceeded on my way and summoned my jurors. I could 
hear nothing of Lee in the southern country. On my way 
back I stopped at Thomas Winn's house, and got him to go over 
on the Sevier River, to see if Lee had not gone by the way of 
Panguitch, and stopped there to lay in more supplies. 

Winn started on the 5th day of November, and took Franklin 
R. Fish with him. They pretended to be looking- for stock. 
They were to report to me at Parowan, on the night of the 7th 
of November. I returned to Beaver City, and made my returns. 

On the morning of November 7th, I started for Parowan to 
meet my men, Winn and Fish. 

That same day Brigham Young went from Beaver to Parowan. 
He passed me near the Buck Horn Springs. I have no doubt 
but that he thought I was there to assassinate him, for he had 
four of the best fighting men of Beaver City with him as a guard. 
They were armed with Henry rifles, and as they came up to me, 
the guard rode between me and their beloved Prophet's car- 
riage ; but they had no reason for alarm. Brigham Young was 
not the man that I was after at that time. 

I met Winn and Fish at Red Creek. As they were coming 
out of Little Creek Canyon, Winn remarked : 

*' Your man is there T' 

I was very much surprised, as I had but little hope of finding 
Lee nearer than the Colorado River, but I found he was at the 
town of Panguitch, and was liable to leave at any time. 

As the men had found that Lee had made every thing ready 
for a start, we rode on to Parowan, where I arranged my plan 
of action. Fish was to go back over the mountains to Pan- 
guitch that night, with instructions to come out and meet us, in 
case Lee should start away from Panguitch ; otherwise he was to 
remain there and have Lee located, so that he could guide 
us to where he was, when we should arrive the next morning. 
I was to start back toward Beaver City on Sunday morning, 
the 8th day of November. I was to go on in that way until I had 
passed Red Creek settlement, and then go up Little Creek 
Canyon. The others who were to go as my assistants, were 
Thomas Winn, Thomas LaFever, Samuel G. Rodgers and David 
Evans, (Franklin R. Fish having gone the night before.) They 



296 3I0BM0XIS3I UNVEILED. 

were to go into the mountains in different places, and all to 
meet near Thompson's Mill on Little Creek. 

We followed this plan, and met at the mill. We then went 
over the mountains towards Panguitch. 

The snow on the way would average fully two feet in depth, 
and the night was very cold. We stopped at a place about three 
miles from Panguitch for the night. I then sent David Evans 
into Panguitch to see Franklin R. Fish, and find out if all was 
right, and then he was to report to us before daylight next 
morning, when we got near the town. Long before daylight 
we saddled our horses and started on, for the night was bitter 
cold. We had no blankets with us, and dared not build much 
fire, for fear it would alarm Lee and notify him or his friends 
that we were there. We reached the place where David Evans 
was to meet us, some time before daylight ; he was not there. 
We waited until after the sun was up, but still Evans did not 
come. Then thinking that my plans had been found out in some 
way, and that my two men. Fish and Evans, were captured, and 
more than likely blood atoned, I concluded to act quickly and 
effectually. 

We mounted our horses and dashed into the town at full 
speed. We found Evans, and learned that Fish had not been 
able to locate Lee, but knew that he was in town. I then 
ordered my men to go to different parts of the town, and to 
keep a good look-out, and not to let any wagon go out of town 
until they had searched the wagon. I enquired of the citizens 
about Lee, but could learn nothing from them about him. Some 
said they never knew him, others that they never heard of 
such a man, had not even heard the name. The citizens soon 
came crowding around in disagreeable numbers. I saw I must 
resort to strategy, or I and my friends were in danger ; so in 
order to disperse the crowd, I took out my book and pencil and 
took down the names of those around me. I then summoned 
them to assist me in finding and arresting John D. Lee. They 
each and all had some excuse, but I refused to excuse any of 
them and ordered them to go and get their arms and come back 
and aid me. This worked well, for in less than five minutes 
there was not a Mormon to be seen on the streets of Panguitch. 
About this time I rode near Thomas Winn, when he said, 

"I believe I have Lee spotted. I asked a little boy where 
Lee's wife lived, and he showed me the house." 



AjRBEST of JOHN D. LEE. 297 

This was something to work on. I then rode around to the 
house that Winn had pointed out to me. As I turned the street 
corner, I saw a woman looking into a log pen, and when she saw 
me, she turned back towards the house, then turned and walked 
back to the pen, and appeared to be talking to some one in the pen. 
She seemed to be very much excited. I rode by the house and 
around the lot, and while doing so I saw a little girl go out and 
look into the pen for a little while ; she then took up a handful 
of straw and went back into the house. I, like Winn, was then 
satisfied that Lee was in that pen. I then told Winn to keep 
the place in sight, but not appear to be watching it, while I was 
getting ready to search for Lee. I soon afterwards met Samuel 
Lee. I took down his name and ordered him to assist me in 
searching for and arresting John D. Lee. 

'* John D. Lee is my father, sir," said he. 

I told him it made no difference to me if he was his grand- 
mother, that I was going to search the house and wanted him 
with me. 

He said he was going down to the threshing machine to see 
his brother Al, and started off. 

I drew my revolver and told him to stop. 

He walked right along, looking back over his shoulder at me 
all the time. I then spurred my horse and went in front of him. 
He said, 

"You can shoot and be d — d. I am not heeled, but I am 
going down to see my brother AL" 

While we were talking. Alma Lee came up and asked what 
was up. 

Sam said, " This is the officer come to arrest father." 

Al said, " H — 1 ! is that all I I thought there was a dog fight, 
I saw so many gathered around here." 

He then took Sam one side and talked to him for a time. 
Sam soon came back and said he was read}^ to go with me. 

I then dismounted and had Winn do the same. I first went 
into the house, where I found several women. I searched 
the house thoroughly, but found no one in it that I wanted. I 
then said to Sam, 

" We will go over to this other house." 

Sam very cheerfully said, " All right, come on, " and started 
out ahead of me. 



298 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

When I got into the yard I stopped, saying, " Hold on; here 
is a corral out here, let us examine that." 

At this Sam came to a stand-still, and was very much excited. 
I was then very certain that my man was there. I had to urge 
Sam considerably to get him to go up to the corral with me^ 
Henry Darrow, one of Lee's sons-in-law, followed us. I took a 
circle around the corral, and then walked up to the log pen, 
which was used for a chicken house. This pen was about seven 
feet wide, nine feet long, and four feet high in the clear. There 
was a hole close to the ground, just about large enough for a man 
to crawl through. I first went to this hole and looked through 
into the pen, but I could see nothing but some loose straw in the 
back end of the pen. I then discovered a little hole between the 
top logs, near the back end, where the straw covering was off. 
I went to this hole and put my eye down to it, and I then saw 
one side of Lee's face, as he lay on his right side ; his face was 
partly covered with loose straw. I waited a few seconds, until 
Winn came near enough for him to hear me without my speaking 
over a whisper. I then said, 

''There is some one in that pen.* 

Darrow said, "I guess not." 

I said, "I am certain there is a person in there." 

*' Well, if there is, it is liliely one of the children," said Darrow.. 

By this time Winn was in position and was holding his Henry 
rifle ready for instant use. Winn and myself were alone. 
All my other men were in other parts of the town. Just then I 
saw Fish coming. I then said, 

" Mr. Lee, come out and surrender yourself. I have come to 
arrest you." 

He did not move. I repeated this several times, but no move 
was made by Lee. I then looked around to see if any of my 
men were coming. I saw that Fish was sitting on his horse 
right in front of the door, and had his gun in his hand. I 
motioned my hand for him to come to me, but he remained 
still and kept watch of the house, as if he was going to shoot, or 
expected danger from that quarter. His action rather surprised 
me, for he was a brave man, and quick to obey orders. I then 
looked at the house to see what was attracting his attention, 
and I soon saw there was enough there to claim his fall time. I 
saw two guns pointed through the logs of the side of the house 
and aimed directly at me, and Fish was watching the people wha 



ABBE ST OF JOHN D. LEE. 290 

held those guns. That looked like business. I instantly drew 
two pistols from my overcoat pocket, taking one in each hand. 
Up to this time I had not drawn a pistol. I put one pistol 
through the crack in the roof of the pen, with the muzzle in 
eighteen inches of Lee's head. I then said to Winn, 

"You go in there and disarm Lee, and I promise you that if 
a single straw moves, I will blow his head off, for my pistol is 
not a foot from his head." 

Winn said, "All right," and was going into the pen. Darrow 
then commenced to beg me not to shoot. Lee also spoke and 
said, 

" Hold on boys, don't shoot, I will come out." 

He thcH commenced to turn over to get out of the pen, at the 
same time putting his pistol (which he had all the time held in 
his hand and lying across his breast) into the scabbard. I 
said to Winn, "Stand back and look out, for there is danger 
from the house." 

Darrow continued to beg us not to shoot, saying, "Lee is an 
old man," etc. I told Darrow that I would not hurt a hair of 
Lee's head if he surrendered peaceabty, but that I was not 
going to die like a dog, nor would I permit Lee to get away alive. 

Lee came out of the pen, and after straightening up, he said,, 
very coolly, "Well, boys, what do you want of me?" 

I said : " I have a warrant for your arrest, and must take you. 
to Beaver with me." 

I then took out the warrant and read it to him. When I 20t 
to that portion of the warrant which read " charged with mur- 
der," he said, 

" Why didn't they put it in wholesale murder? They meant 
it." 

He then asked me to show him the pistol that I put through 
the pen and pointed at his head. He said, 

" It was the queerest looking pistol that I ever saw. It 
looked like a man's hand with the fingers cut off short." 

I showed it to him. It was a dragoon pistol, with the barrel 
cut off short. He laughed when he saw it, and was not at all 
excited. 

We then went to the house. The women seemed wild with 
excitement, some of them crying and all unreasonable in their 
language. Lee told his family to be quiet, and did all that he 



300 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

could to pacify them. He said he considered that the time had 
come when he could get a fair trial, etc. 

I then sent and bought some wine, and took a pitcher of the 
liquid into the house to the women. They all took a drink. 
When I got to one of his daughters, who was crying bitterly, 
she took the glass and said, 

" Here is hoping that father will get away from you, and that 
if he does, you will not catch him again till h — 1 freezes over." 

I said, "Drink hearty, Miss." 

By the time all the family had taken a drink, a large number 
of people had gathered around the house. I think fully one 
hundred and fifty Mormons were there? I turned to one of my 
men and told him to try and find some place where we could get 
something to eat. Lee heard me, and at once apologized for 
not thinking to ask us to have something to eat before that time. 
" But," said he, " the women folks have been making so much 
fuss that I have thought of nothing." 

He then ordered breakfast for us all. His sons gathered 
around him and told him that if he did not want to go to Beaver, 
to say so, and they would see that he didn't go. Lee then took 
me one side and told me what his friends proposed, and wanted 
to know what answer he should give them. I thought he did 
this to see if there was any chance to frighten me. I told him 
to tell the boys to turn themselves loose ; that I knew I had no 
friends in that place, except those who came with me, but we 
were well armed, and when trouble commenced we would shoot 
those nearest to us at the first, and make sure of them, and then 
continue to make it lively while we lasted. 

Lee said he did not want anything of that kind to happen, and 
would see that the boys behaved themselves — that he thought 
the time had come for him to have a fair and impartial trial, and 
ke would go with me. 

I then hired a team from Lee, and hired his son-in-law to 
drive it. We started from Panguitch soon after breakfast. We 
put two of our animals in the team, making a four-horse team — 
Darrow drove. Lee and Rachel, one of his wives, and two of 
my men rode in the wagon. It was about 11, a. m., on Monday, 
the 7th day of November, 1874, when we left Panguitch with 
John D. Lee as a prisoner. We reached Fremont Springs that 
night at about 11 o'clock, and camped there until dajdight. The 
roads were so bad that we had been twelve hours in making 



ABBE ST OF JOII^ D. LEE. , 301 

thirty miles. The night was dark and cold, and having no 
blankets with us we could not sleep, and to add to the discom- 
fort, we had nothing to eat. 

We left Freemont Springs at daylight, and reached Beaver 
about 10 o'clock, a. m., November 10th, 1874. We had been 
twenty-four hours without food. Lee and Rachel had fared bet- 
ter than we had, for they had a lunch with them. When we 
reached Beaver the people were almost thunder-struck with as- 
tonishment to know that John D. Lee had been arrested. 

After the arrest Lee was in my custody the greater portion of 
the time that he was in prison. He never gave any trouble to me 
or his guards. He never tried to escape, but at all times assisted 
the guards to carry out the instructions that they had received 
from the officers. 

This is a hasty sketch, but I trust will answer your purpose. 
Hoping you will meet with that success which you so richly de- 
serve, I remain your most obedient servant, 

William Stokes. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

TRIAL OF LEE, AT BEAVER CITY, UTAH TERRITORY, SEPT., 1876. 

A JURY was sworn to try the case on Thursday, September 
14, 1876, after which the court adjourned until the 15th. 

Friday morning, September 15, 1876. The court met. 
Present, Hon. Jacob S. Boreman, Judge; Sumner Howard, 
United States Attorney ; Presley Denney, Deputy United States 
Attorney ; James R. Wilkins, Clerk ; John D. Lee, the defendant 
on trial, with his attorneys. Wells Spicer, J. C. Foster, and Wm. 
W. Bishop; Wm. Nelson, United States Marshal, and the 
Deputies, Wm. Stokes, Franklin Brown and Edward Keisel. 

The parties having announced themselves ready for trial, the 
following proceedings were had : 

James R. Wilkins, Clerk, read the indictment against Lee, 
impleaded with others, to the jury, and stated the plea of the 
defendant. 

Sumner Howard stated the case to the jury, on behalf of the 
people. 

William W. Bishop stated the case for the defendant. 

On motion of Sumner Howard, the court appointed A. S. 
Patterson, Esq., as official court reporter in the trial of this 
cause, when the following proceedings were had : 

DEPOSITION OF BRIGHAM YOUNG. 

Mr. Howard : If the Court please, I now propose to offer in evi- 
dence the deposition of Brigham Young ; also the affidavit of Geo. ' 
A. Smith ; also a letter written by John D. Lee to Brigham Young ; 
also the report of Brigham Young to the Department of Indian 
Affairs, and also the proclamation of Brigham Young. These 
papers have been submitted to the attorneys for the defense, 
and they consent to their introduction. I now file them and 
place them in evidence to save time. 
302 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 303 

Mr. Bishop : May it please your Honor, while we vleny that 
these documents are legal evidence of the fact in the indictment 
as charged, we still consent to the same being introduced, 
because we once came so near being placed in jail for offering 
the same papers, especially the deposition of Brigham Young 
and the aflidavit of George A. Smith, as evidence at the former 
trial of this defendant. We wish to see what lengths the prose- 
cution will go in this court, to convict the defendant on trial by 
law or without law. Our opinions as lawyers were against the 
admission of the evidence, but our client insists that the evidence 
be admitted. Contrary to our best judgment, we have con- 
sented. Let the evidence go in, and with it all besides that 
the authorities of the Church at Salt Lake City have unearthed 
for the perusal of our Brother Howard. We now know we are' 
fighting the indictment, and also the secret forces and powers of 
the Mormon Church. 

Mr. Howard then introduced the following documentary 
evidence ; 

Territory of Utah, ) 

Beaver County. ] ^^' 

In the Second Judicial District Court. 
The People, etc. 

vs. \ Lidictment for Murder. 

John D. Lee, Wm. H. Dame, ( September 16th, 1875. 
Isaac C. Haight, et cd. 

Questions to be propounded to Brigham Young on his exam- 
ination as a witness in the case of John D. Lee and others, on 
trial at Beaver City, this 30th day of July, 1875, and the 
answers of Brigham Young to the interrogatives hereto ap- 
pended, were reduced to writing, and were given after the said 
Brigham Young had been duly sworn to testify the truth in the 
Above entitled cause, and are as follows : 

First — State your age, and the present condition of your 
health, and whether in its condition you could travel to attend 
in person, at Beaver, the court now sitting there? If not, state 
why not. 

Answer — To the first interrogatory, he saith : 

I am in my seventy-fifth year. It would be a great risk, both 
to my health and life, for me to travel to Beaver at this present 
time. I am, and have been for some time, an invalid. 

Second — What offices, either ecclesiastical, civil, or military, 
did you hold in the year 1857? 



304 M0BM0NIS2I UNVEILED. 

Answer — I was the Governor of this Territory, and ex-officio 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and the President of the Church 
of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints , during the 3'ear 1857. 

Third — State the condition of affairs between the Territory of 
Utah and the Federal Government, in the Summer and Fall of 
1857. 

Answer — In May or June, 1857, the United States mails for 
Utah were stopped by the Government, and all communication 
by mail was cut off, an army of the United States was en route 
for Utah, with the ostensible design of destroying the Latter- 
Day Saints, according to the reports that reached us from the 
East. 

Fourth — Were there any United States Judges here during the 
Summer and Fall of 1857? 

Answer — To the best of my recollection there was no United 
States Judge here in the latter part of 1857. 

Fifth — State what you know about trains of emigrants passing 
through the Territory to the West, and particularly about a com- 
pany from Arkansas, en route for California, passing through 
this city in the Summer or Fall of 1857? 

Answer — As usual, emigrants' trains were passing through 
our Territory for the West. I heard it rumored that a company 
from Arkansas, en route to California, had passed through the 
city. 

Sixth — Was this Arkansas company of emigrants ordered away 
from Salt Lake City by yourself or any one in authority under 
you? 

Answer — No, not that I know of. I never heard of any 
such thing, and certainly no such order was given by the acting^ 
Governor. 

Seventh — Was any counsel or instructions given by any per- 
son to the citizens of Utah not to sell grain or trade with the 
emigrant trains passing through Utah at that time ? If so, what 
were those instructions and counsel? 

Answer — Yes, counsel and advice were given to the citizens 
not to sell grain to the emigrants to feed their stock, but to let 
them have sufficient for themselves if they were out. The sim- 
ple reason for this was that for several years our crops had been 
short, and the prospect was at that time that we might have trouble 
with the United States army, then en route for this place, and we 
wanted to preserve the grain for food. The citizens of the Ter- 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 305 

ritory were counseled not to feed grain to their own stock. No 
person was ever punished or called in question for furnishing 
supplies to the emigrants, within my knowledge. 

Eighth— When did you first hear of the attack and destruc- 
tion of this Arkansas company at Mountain Meadows, in Sep- 
tember, 1857? 

Answer — I did not learn anything of the attack or destruction 
of the Arkansas company until some time after it occurred — 
then only b}^ floating rumor. 

Ninth— Did John D. Lee report to you at any time after this 
massacre what had been done at that massacre, and if so, what 
did you reply to him in reference thereto? 

Answer — Within some two or three months after the massacre 
he called at my office and had much to say with regard to the 
Indians, their being stirred up to anger and threatening the set- 
tlements of the whites, and then commenced giving an account 
of the massacre. I told him to stop,* as from what I had already 
heard by rumor, I did not wish my feelings harrowed up with a 
recital of detail. 

Tenth — Did Philip Klingensmith call at your office with John 
D. Lee at the time Lee made his report, and did you at that 
time order Smith to turn over the stock to Lee, and order them 
not to talk about the massacre? 

Answer— No. He did not call with John D. Lee, and I have 
no recollection of his ever speaking to me nor I to him con- 
cerning the massacre or anything pertaining to the property. 

Eleventh — Did you ever give any directions concerning the 
property taken from the emigrants at the Mountain Meadows 
Massacre, or know anything as to its disposition? 

Answer — No, I never gave any directions concerning the 
property taken from the company of emigrants at the Mountain 
Meadows Massacre, nor did I know anything of that property, 
or its disposal, and I do not to this day, except from public ru- 
mor. 

Twelfth — Why did you not, as Governor, institute proceed- 
ings forthwith to investigate that massacre, and bring the guilty 
authors thereof to justice? 

Answer^Because another Governor had been appointed by 

the President of the United States, and was then on the way to 

take my place, and I did not know how soon he might arrive, 

and because the United States Judojes were not in the Territory. 

20 



306 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

Soon after Governor Cummings arrived, I asked him to take 
Judge Cradelbaugh, who belonged to the Southern District, 
with him, and I would accompany them with sufficient aid to in- 
vestigate the matter and bring the offenders to justice. 

Thirteenth — Did you, about the 10th of September, 1857, re- 
ceive a communication from Isaac C. Haight, or any other per- 
son of Cedar City, concerning a company of emigrants called 
the Arkansas company? 

Answer — I did receive a communication from Isaac C. Haight, 
or John D. Lee, who was a farmer for the Indians. 

Fourteenth — Have you that communication? 

Answer — I have not. I have made diligent search for it, but 
cannot find it. 

Fifteenth — Did you answer that communication? 

Answer — I did, to Isaac C. Haight, who was then acting Pres- 
ident at Cedar City. 

Sixteenth — Will you state the substance of your letter to 
him? 

Answer — Yes. It was to let this company of emigrants, and 
all companies of emigrants, pass through the country unmolest- 
ed., and to allay the angry feelings of the Indians as much as 
possible. 

(Signed) Brigham Young. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 30th day of July, A. 
D. 1875. 

[L. S.] Wm. Clayton, 

Notary Public. 

AFFIDAVIT OF GEORGE A. SMITH. 

Territory op Utah, ) 
Beaver County, ) 

In the Second Judicial District Court of the Territory of Utah. 
The People, Etc., vs. \ 

John D. Lee, Wm. H. Dame, Isaac > ss. 
C. Haight, et aL, Salt Lake Co. j 
Indictment for murder, committed September 16, 1857. 
George A. Smith having been first duly sworn, deposes and 
says that he is aged fifty-eight years. That he is now and has 
been for several months suffering from a severe and dangerous 
illness of the head and lungs, and that to attend the court at 
Beaver, in the present condition of his health, would in all prob- 
ability end his life. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 307 

Deponent further saith, that he had no military command 
•during the year 1857, nor any other official position, except that 
of one of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of 
Latter-Day Saints. 

Deponent further saith, that he never in the year 1857, at 
Parowan or elsewhere, attended a council where Wm. H. Dame, 
Isaac C. Haight or others were present to discuss any measures 
for attacking, or in any manner injuring an emigrant train from 
Arkansas or any other place, which is alleged to have been 
■destroyed at Mountain Meadows in September, 1857. 

Deponent further saith, that he never heard or knew anything 
•of a train of emigrants, which he learned afterwards by rumor 
was from Arkansas, until he met said train at Corn Creek on his 
way north to Salt Lake City, on or about the 25th day of August, 
1857. 

Deponent further saith, that he encamped with Jacob Hamblin, 
Philo T. Farnsworth, Silas S. Smith and Elijah Hoops, and there 
for the first time he learned of the existence of said emigrant 
train, and their intended journey to California. 

Deponent further saith, that having been absent from the 
Territory for a year previous, he returned in the Summer of 1857, 
and went south to visit his family at Parowan, and to look after 
«ome property he had there, and also visit his friends, and for no 
other purpose, and that on leaving Salt Lake City he had no 
knowledge whatsoever of the existence of said emigrant train, 
nor did he acquire any until as before stated. 

Deponent further saith, that as an Elder in tlie Church of 
Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, he preached several times on 
his way south, and also on his return, and tried to impress upon 
the minds of the people the necessity of great care as to their 
grain crops, as all crops had been short for several years pre- 
vious to 1857, and many of the people were reduced to actual 
want and were suffering for the necessaries of life. 

Deponent further saith, that he advised the people to furnish 
all emigrant companies passing through the Territory with what 
they might actually need for breadstuff, for the support of them- 
selves and families while passing through the Territory, and also 
advised the people not to feed their grains to their own stock, 
nor to sell to the emigrants for that purpose. 

Deponent further saith, that he never heard or knew of any 
-attack upon said emigrant train until some time after his return 



308 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

to Salt Lake City, and that while near Fort Bridger he heard 
for the first time that the Indians had massacred an emigrant 
company at Mountain Meadows. 

Deponent further saith, that he never at any time, either 
before or after that massacre, was accessory thereto ; that he 
never directly or indirectly aided, abetted or assisted in its 
perpetration, or had any knowledge thereof, except by hearsay ; 
that he never knew anything of the distribution of the property 
taken there, except by hearsay as aforesaid. 

Deponent further saith, that all charges and statements as 
pertaining to him contrary to the above are false and untrue. 
(Signed,) Geo. A. Smith. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 30th day of July, A.. 
D. 1875. 

(Signed,) Wm. Clayton, 

[L. S.] Notary Public. 

PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. 

Citizens of Utah : 

We are invaded by a hostile force, who are evidently assailing 
us to accomplish our overthrow and destruction. 

For the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the 
Government, from Constables and Justices to Judges, Governors 
and Presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted 
and betrayed. Our houses have been plundered and then 
burned, our fields laid waste, our principal men butchered while 
under the pleged faith of the Government for their safety, and 
our families driven from their homes to find that shelter in. 
the barren wilderness, and that protection among hostile sav- 
ages, which were denied them in the boasted abodes of Chris- 
tianity and civilization. 

The constitution of our common country guarantees unto us 
all that we do now or ever claimed. 

If the constitutional rights, which pertain unto us as Amer- 
ican citizens, were extended to Utah, according to the spirit and 
meaning thereof, and fairly and impartially administered, it is 
all that we could ask. 

Our opponents have availed themselves of prejudices existing^ 
against us, because of our religious faith, to send out a formi- 
dable host to accomplish our destruction. We have had no priv- 
ilege, no opportunity of defending ourselves from the false, fouL 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 309 

•and unjust aspersions against us before the Nation. The Gov- 
ernment has not condescended to cause an investigating com- 
mittee or other person to be sent to enquire into and ascertain the 
truth, as is customary in such cases. We know those aspersions 
to be false, but that avails us nothing. We are condemned 
unheard, and forced to an issue with an armed mercenary mob, 
which has been sent against us at the instigation of anonymous 
letter writers, ashamed to father the base, slanderous falsehoods 
which they have given to the public ; of corrupt oflBicials who 
•have brought false accusations against us, to screen themselves 
in their own infamy ; and of hireling priests and howling editors, 
who prostitute the truth for filthy lucres' sake. 

The issue which has been thus forced upon us compels us to 
•resort to the great first law of self-preservation, and stand in our 
own defence, a right guaranteed unto us by the genius of the insti- 
tutions of our country, and upon which the Government is based. 

Our duty to our famihes requires us not to tamely submit to 
be driven and slain without an attempt to preserve ourselves. 
Our duty to our country, our holy religion, our God, to freedom 
and liberty, requires that we should not quietly stand still and 
see those fetters forging around, which are calculated to enslave 
and bring us into subjection to an unlawful military despotism, 
such as can only emanate (in a country of constitutional law) 
from usurpation, tyranny and oppression. 

Therefore, I, Brigham Young, Governor and Superintendent 
of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Utah, in the name of the 
people of the United Siates in the Territory of Utah, 

First — Forbid all armed forces of every description from 
coming into this Territory, under any pretence whatever. 

Second — That all the forces in said Territory hold themselves 
in readiness to march at a moment's notice, to repel any and all 
such invasion. 

Third — Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this Terri- 
tory, from and after the publication of this Proclamation ; and 
no person shall be allowed to pass or repass, into or through, or 
from this Territory without a permit from the proper officer. 

Given under my hand and seal at Great Salt Lake City, 
Territory of Utah, this fifteenth day of September, A. D. eigh- 
teen hundred and fifty-seven, and of the Independence of the 
United States of America, the eighty-second. 

(Signed) Brigham Young. 



310 M0BM0NIS2I UNVEILED. 

The letter and report of John D. Lee to Brigham Young, in 
regard to the Mountain Meadows Massacre, were here intro- 
duced as evidence. (See pages 255 and 256.) 
report of brigham young. 

Office Sup't of Indian Affairs, G. S. L. City, ) 
September 12, 1857. ) 
Hon. Ja3ies W. Denver, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 

WasJiington, D. C. : 

Sir — Enclosed please find abstract account current and 
vouchers from 1 to 35, inclusive, (also abstract of employes) 
for the current quarter up to this date, as owing to the stoppage 
of the mail I have deemed it best to avail myself of the oppor- 
tunity of sending by private conveyance, not knowing when I 
may have another chance. The expenditures, as you will ob- 
serve by the papers, amount to $6,411.38, for which I have 
drawn my drafts on the department, favor of Hon. John M. 
Bernhisel, Delegate to Congress from this Territory. You will 
also observe that a portion of those expenditures accrued, 
which may need a word of explanation. Santa Clara is in 
Washington County, the extreme southern county of this Terri- 
tory, and this labor was commenced and partly performed, 
seeds, grain, etc., furnished prior to the time that Major Arm- 
strong visited those parts of the Territory, hence failed to find 
its way into his reports, and failed being included in mine be- 
cause the accounts and vouchers were not sooner brought in, 
and hence not settled until recently. But little has been effect- 
ed in that part of the Territory at the expense of the Govern- 
ment, although much has been done by the citizens in aiding; 
the Indians With tools, teams and instructions in cultivating the 
earth. 

The bands mentioned are parts of the Piede tribe of Indians, 
who are very numerous, but only inhabit this Territory. These 
Indians are more easily induced to labor than any others in the 
Territory, and many of them are now engaged in the common 
pursuits of civilized life. Their requirements are constant for 
wagons, ploughs, spades, hoes, teams and harness, etc., to ena- 
ble them to work to advantage. 

In like manner the Indians in Cache Valley have received but 
little at the expense of the Government, although a sore tax 
upon the people. West and along the line of the California and 
Oregon travel they continue to make their contributions, and I 



TlilAL OF JOHN I). LEE. 311 

am sorry to add, with considerable loss of life to the travelers. 
This is what I have alwa3^s sought, by all means in my power, to 
avert, but I find it the most difficult of any portion to control. 
I have for many years succeeded better than this. I learn by 
report that many of the lives of the emigrants and considerable 
quantities of property have been taken. 

This is principally owing to a company of some three or four 
hundred returning Californians, who traveled those roads last 
Spring to the Eastern States, shooting at every Indian they 
could see, a practice utterly abhorrent to all good people, yet, I 
regret to say, one that lias been indulged in to a great extent by 
travelers to and from the Eastern States and CaUfornia, hence 
the Indians regard all white men alike as their enemies, and kill 
and plunder whenever they can do so with impunity, and often 
the innocent suffer for the deeds of the guilty. 

This has always been one of the greatest difficulties that I have 
had to contend with in the administration of Indian affairs in 
this Territory. 

It is hard to make an Indian believe that the whites are their, 
friends, and that the Great Father wishes to do them good, when 
perhaps the very next party which crosses their path shoots 
them down like wolves. 

This trouble with the Indians only exists along the line of 
travel west, and beyond the influence of our settlements. The 
Shoshones are not hostile to travelers as far as they inhabit this 
Territory, except perhaps a few called "Snake Diggers," who 
inhabit, as before stated, along the line of travel west of the 
settlements. 

There have, however, been more or less depredations the pres- 
ent season north, and more within the vicinity of the settle- 
ments, owing to the causes above mentioned, and I find it of the 
utmost difficulty to restrain them. The sound of war quickens 
the blood and nerves of an Indian. The reports that troops 
were wending their way to tins Territory has also had its influ- 
ence upon them. In one or two instances this was the reason 
assigned why they made the attack which they did upon some 
herds of cattle. They seemed to think that as it was to be war 
they might as well commence, and begin to lay in a supply of 
food while they had a chance. 

If I am to have the direction of the Indian affairs of this Ter- 
ritory, and expected to maintain friendly relations with the In- 



312 M0BM0NI8M UNVEILED. 

dians, there are a few things that I would most respectfully re- 
quest to be done. 

First — That travelers omit their infamous practice of shooting 
them down when they happen to see one. Whenever the citi- 
zens of this Territory travel the road they are in the habit of 
giving the Indians food, tobacco and a few other presents, and 
the Indians expect some such trifling favors, and they are em- 
boldened by this practice to come up to the road with a view of 
receiving such presents. When, therefore, travelers from the 
States make their appearance, they throw themselves in sight 
with the same view, and when they are shot at and some of their 
numbers killed, as has frequently been the case, we cannot but 
expect them to wreak their vengeance upon the next train. 

Secondly — That the Government should make more liberal ap- 
propriations to be expended in presents. I have proven that it 
is far cheaper to feed and clothe the Indians than to fight them. 
I find, moreover, that after all, when the fighting is over, it is al- 
ways followed by extensive presents, which, if properly distrib- 
uted in the first instance, might have averted the fight. In this 
case, then, the expenses of presents are the same, and it is true 
in nine-tenths of the cases that have happened. 

Third — The troops must be kept away, for it is a prevalent 
fact that, wherever there are the most of these, we ma^' expect 
to find the greatest amount of hostile Indians and the least se- 
curity to persons and property. 

If these items could be complied with I have no hesitation in 
sa3ing that, so far as Utah is concerned, travelers could go to 
and from, pass and repass, and no Indian would disturb or mo- 
lest them or their property. 

In regard to my drafts, it appears that the department is indis- 
posed to pay them, for what reason I am at a loss to conjec- 
ture. 

I am aware that Congress separated the oflSce of Superinten- 
dent of Indian Affairs from that of Governor ; that the salary of 
Governor remained the same for his Gubernatorial duties, and 
that the Superintendent's was fifteen hundred. I do think that, 
inasmuch as I performed the duties of both oflfices, that I am 
entitled to the pay appropriated for it, and trust that you will so 
consider it. 

I have drawn again for the expenditure of this present quar- 
ter as above set forth. Of course you will do as you please 



TBIAL OF JOHX D. LEE. 313 

about paying, as you have with the drafts for the two last quar- 
ters. 

The department has often manifested its approval of the man- 
agement of tlie Indian affairs in this Supcrintendency, and never 
its disappro^ al 

Why, then, should I be subjected to such annoyance in re- 
gard to obtaining the funds for defraying its expenses? Why 
should I be denied my salary? Why should appropriations made 
for the benefit of the Indians of this Territory be retained in the 
Treasury, and individuals left unpaid ? 

These are questions I leave for you to answer at your leisure, 
^nd meanwhile submit to such course in relation thereto as you 
-shall see fit to direct. 

I have the honor to be, most respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 
(Signed) Bkigham Young. 

•Governor and Ex-Oflicio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, U. T. 

Certified to by James Jack, Notray Public of Utah Territory, 
jski Salt Lake City, August 15th, 1876. 

ABSTRACT FROM REPORT OP BRIGHAM TOUNG. 

The following is an abstract from a letter under heading and 
date as follows : 

Office of Supt. of Indian Affairs, ) 
G. S. L. City, U. T., January 6, 1858. f 

Hon. James W. Denver, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 

Washington City, D. C. : 

Sir: On or about the middle of last September a company 
of emigrants traveling the southern route to California, poisoned 
the meat of an ox that died, and gave it to the Indians to eat, 
causing the immediate death of four of their tribe, and poisoning 
several others. This company also poisoned the water where 
they were encamped. This occurred at Corn Creek, fifteen 
miles south of Fillmore City. This conduct so enraged the 
Indians, that they immediately took measures for revenge. I 
quote from a letter written to me by John D. Lee, farmer to the 
Indians in Iron and Washington counties. ^' About the 22d of 
September, Capt. Fancher & Co. fell victims to the Indians' 
wrath near Mountain Meadows. Their cattle and horses were 
shot down in every direction ; their wagons and property mostly 
committed to the flames." Lamentable as this case truly is, it is 



3U M0B3I0mSJI UNVEILED. 

only the natural consequence of that fatal policy which treats 
the Indians like the wolves, or other ferocious beasts. I have 
vainly remonstrated for years with travelers against pursuing so 
suicidal a policy, and repeatedly advised the Government of it& 
fatal tendency. It is not always upon the heads of the indi- 
viduals who commit such crimes that such condign punishment 
is visited, but more frequently the next company that follows in 
their fatal path become the unsuspecting victims, though perad- 
venture perfectly innocent. Of this character was the massacre 
of Capt. Gunnison and party in 1853. He was friendly and 
unsuspecting, but the emigrant company that immediately pre- 
ceded him had committed a most flagrant act of injustice and 
murder upon the Indians, escaped unscathed, causing the savage 
feeling and vengeance which they had so wontonly provoked to 
be poured upon the head of the lamented Gunnison. Owing to 
these causes, the Indians upon the main traveled roads leading 
from this Territory to California have become quite hostile, so 
that it has become quite impossible for a company of emigrants 
to pass in safety. The citizens of the Territory have frequently 
compromised their own safety and other peaceful relations, by 
interfering in behalf of travelers ; nor can they be expected to 
be otherwise than hostile, so long as the traveling community 
persist in the practice of indiscriminately shooting and poisoning 
thom, as above set forth. In all other parts of the Territory, 
except along the north and south routes to California, as above 
mentioned, the Indians are quiet and peaceful. It is owing to 
the disturbed state of our Indian affairs that the accounts of this 
quarter have been so considerably augmented. It has always 
been my policy to conciliate the native tribes by making them 
presents and treating them kindly, considering it much more 
economical to feed and clothe them than to fight them. I have 
the satisfaction of knowing that this policy has been most 
eminently successful and advantageous, not only to the settle- 
ments, but to the Government, as well as to the emigrants and 
travelers. But the most uniform, judicious and humane course 
will sometimes fail in holding ignorant, wild and revengeful 
Indians by the wrist, to be indiscriminately murdered. We 
trust, henceforward, such scenes may not be re-enacted, and the 
existing bad feeling among the native tribes ma}^ become extin- 
guished by a uniform, consistent, humane and conciliatory course 
of superior acts, by those who profess superior attainments. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 315, 

Respectfully, I have the honor to remain your obedient 
servant, B high am Young, 

Gov. and Supt. of Indian Affairs, U. T. 

Certified as correct by James Jack, Notary Public of Utah 
Territory, at Salt Lake City, August 15, 1876. 

The following circular, issued by Brigham Young and Daniel 
H. Wells, was then read in evidence : 

Great Salt Lake City. ) 
Sept. 14th, 1857. ' ) 
CoL. William H. Dame, Parowan, Iron County : 

Herewith you will receive the Governor's proclamation declar- 
ing martial law. 

You will probably not be called out this Fall, but are re- 
quested to continue to make ready for a big fight another j^ear. 
The plan of operations is supposed to be about this. In case 
the United States Government should send out an overpowering 
force, we intend to desolate the Territory, and conceal our fami- 
lies, stock and all of our effects in the fastnesses of the moun- 
tains where they will be safe, while the men waylay our ene- 
mies, attack them from ambush, stampede their amimals, take 
the supply trains, cut of detachments and parties sent to the 
canyons for wood, or on other service. To lay waste every 
thing that will burn — houses, fences, trees, fields and grass, so 
that they cannot find a particle of anything that will be of use 
to them, not even sticks to make a fire to cook their supplies. 
To waste away our enemies and lose none ; that will be our mode 
of warfare. Thus you see the necessity of preparing first ; secure 
places in the mountains where they cannot find us, or if they do, 
where they cannot approach in force, and then prepare for our 
families, building some cabins, caching flour and grain. Flour 
should be ground in the latter part of the Winter, or early in the 
Spring to keep. Sow grain in your fields as early as possible 
this Fall, so the harvest of another year may come off before 
they have time to get here. Conciliate the Indians and make 
them our fast friends. 

In regard to letting the people pass or repass, or travel 
through the Territory, this applies to all strangers and suspected 
persons. Yourself and Brother Isaac C. Haight, in your dis- 
trict, are authorized to give such permits. Examine all such 
persons before giving to them permits to pass. Keep things per- 
fectly quiet, and let all things be done peacefully, but with firm- 



316 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

ness, and let there be no excitement. Let the people be united 
in their feelings and faith, as well as works, and keep alive the 
spirit of the reformation. And what we said in regard to sav- 
ing the grain and provisions we say again, let there be no 
waste. Save life always when it is possible. We do not wish 
to shed a drop of blood if it can be avoided. 

This course will give us great influence abroad. 

(Signed,) ( Brigham: Young. 

1 Daniel H. Wells. 
Certified to under seal by James Jack, Notary Public, August 

16th, 1876. 



CHAPTER XXn. 

TRIAL OF LEE CONTINUED. 

WHILE the documentary evidence was being read, the 
people had been gathering in large numbers, so much so 
that many were unable to obtain admission to the court room, 
to hear the statements of the witnesses. 

It was by this time well understood by all parties, that the 
command of secrecy, which the Church had imposed on its mem- 
bers, had been countermanded, so far as related to John D. Lee, 
the defendant on trial. It was then a certainty that the witnesses 
would swear to as much as the prosecution was willing to hear. 
The result proved that these surmises were correct. 

The witnesses for the prosecution were then called and sworn, 
after which they testified in the order and language as follows : 

TESTIMONY OF WITNESSES. 

DANIEL H. WELLS. 

Sworn for the prosecution. 

Howard— How long have you resided in this Territory? 
Since the fall of 1848. 

Do you know John D. Lee ? Yes, sir. 

Did you know him in 1857? Yes, sir. 

What position did he occupy at that time — official position? 
I don't know of any position except it was farmer to the Indians 
in the southern part of the Territory. He had been a Major in 
tbe military. I don't remember whether he was at that time or 
not. At that particular time, I think not. I think he had been 
suspended. I wish to ask you the question, What, from your 
personal knowledge, was the influence of John D. Lee over the 
Indians to whom he had been appointed farmer — was he inter- 
317 



318 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

preter also? Well, I think he understood the language imper- 
fectly ; could probably converse with the Indians. 

State if he was a man of influence with the Indians, a man 
popular with them ? He was so considered. 

Cross examination waived. 

LABAN MORKILL. 

Sworn for the prosecution. 

Where do you reside? Iron County, at what is called Fort 
Johnson. How long have you lived in the Territory? Since 
1852. Do you know the location of Mountain Meadows? No, 
sir. I never was there. Where did you live in 1857? I think I 
lived at Cedar City. How far is Cedar City from Beaver? 
About thirty miles. Did you, in 1857, know any thing about 
an emigrant train, known as the Arkansas emigrant train, 
passing through the Territory to Southern California, or starting 
to pass? By report only. Did you have any thing to do as an 
officer or citizen, at Cedar City, with regard to the passage of 
those emigrants? If 3^ou did, state what you know about their 
passage, in your own way. Merel}^ by report, that there was a 
company come through Cedar City. I lived off at a place called 
Fort Johnson, six miles and a half. I was engaged at that time 
some Httle in seeing what was called the best locality, or what 
would do the best good for some three or four little places. 
Cedar City, Fort Johnson and Shirts' Creek. We had formed a 
kind of a custom to come together about once a week, to take 
into consideration what would be the best good for those three 
places. I happened on Sunday to come to Cedar City, as I 
usually came, and there seemed to be a Council. We met 
together about four o'clock, as a general thing, on Sunday 
evening after service. I went into the Council, and saw there 
was a little excitement in regard to something I did not under- 
stand. I went in at a rather late hour. I enquired of the rest 
what was the matter. They said a company had passed along 
toward Mountain Meadows. There were many threats given 
concerning this company. 

Spicek — for Defendant — We object to these conversations, in 
which the witness has not shown that the defendant was present. 

Howard — for the People — We expect to connect Mr. Lee with 
it in this way : We propose to show that at that council a report 
was made that the Indians had stopped this train of emigrants, 




D.\NIEL H. WELLS. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 319 

or were about to stop them ; and we propose to show further 
that at that time, in consequence of the condition of the country, 
it was claimed by some people that they should be held until a 
message could be sent to Salt Lake and their passage secured ; 
that Mr. Morrill appeared there — others being in favor of 
stopping the emigrants, and perhaps doing more than that. Mr. 
Morrill appeared tliere and insisted that no interference should 
be had with them until orders came from Brigliam Young — from 
headquarters — and at first insisting that they should be allowed 
to pass unmolested. That the Indians should not be allowed to 
molest them if it could be avoided. That they should be pre- 
vented by all means from interfering with them. Mr. Morrill 
made several speeches to that council in favor of that proposi- 
tion, and that finally an agreement was made that the emigrants 
should not be interfered with, and suspend all proceedings in 
regard to even stopping them until a message should come from 
Brigham Young. At that time Brigham Young was not onh^ 
the President of the Church, but Governor of the Territory, and 
Indian Agent. We propose to follow it up by showing that an 
agreement loas made and a messenger sent post-haste to Salt 
Lake. We propose to follow it up by showing that a messenger 
was sent to see that the Indians did not interfere with the emi- 
grants. We propose to follow it up by showing that John D. 
Lee received that word. That that was the agreement of that 
council, and that he must not allow those emigrants to be inter- 
fered with. That he not only received that word, but that he 
made the remark that he had something to say about it. The 
man who carried the message was told that he had better get 
out of the way himself, or he would get hurt. There has been 
an effort made to show that others besides John D. Lee com- 
menced this attack. We propose to show to this jury that the 
attack was made in defiance of the authorities. That they not 
only held the lives of those emigrants secure ; were not only anx- 
ious that they should be allowed to pass, but that they should 
be protected from the Indians, in order to show their sincerity 
and do what was right in view of the circumstances, made a 
solemn agreement there among themselves that the emigrants 
should not be interfered with until a dispatch could be sent to 
Governor Young and returned. We propose to show that that 
dispatch was sent to Governor Young by that messenger, with 
instructions not to spare horse-flesh, but to ride there day and 



320 M0B2I0NISM UNVEILED. 

night ; that before this messenger returned, John D. Lee, in de- 
fiance of that council, massacred the emigrants. 

Spicer — If the gentleman propose to prove that Lee did any- 
thing contrary to the orders of the Church Council, we will with- 
draw our objections. But we know the prosecution will fail in 
the effort. Lee did nothing that was contrary to Council, and 
the fact is, he obeyed orders. 

Howard — Mr. Morrill, the Court directs that you state what 
was done at that Council? 

Ans. — As I said, there appeared to be some confusion in that 
Council. I enquired in a friendly way what was up. I was 
told that there was an emigrant train that passed along down to 
near Mountain Meadows, and that they had made thi-eats in 
regard to us as a people — said they would destroy every d — d 
Mormon. There was an army coming on the south and norths 
and it created some little excitement. I made two or three 
replies in a kind of debate of measures that were taken into 
consideration, discussing the object, what method we thought 
best to take in regard to protecting the lives of the citizens. 

My objections were not coincided with. At last we touched 
upon the topic like this : We should still keep quiet, and a dis- 
patch should be sent to Governor Young to know what would 
be the best course. The vote was unanimous. I considered it 
so. It seemed to be the understanding that on the coming 
morning, or next day, there should be a messenger dispatched. 
I took some pains to enquire and know if it would be sent in 
in the morning. The papers were said to be made out, and 
Governor Young should ^e informed, and no hostile course pur- 
sued till his return. I returned back to Fort Johnson, feeling 
that all was well. About eight and forty hours before the mes- 
senger returned — business called me to Cedar City, and I 
learned that the job had been done, that is, the destruction of 
the emigrants had taken place. I can't give any further evi- 
dence on the subject at present. 

What was the name of the messenger sent to Salt Lake? 
James Haslem. 

Cross-Examined by W. W. Bishop. — l^ou think that about 
forty-eight hours before the messenger returned from Salt 
Lake, you learned that the job was done, the people killed 
at Mountain Meadows. Do you mean b}^ that, the killing that 
had been talked of at that Council? I suppose it was, sir. Who 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 32 L 

was present at that Council that you recollect? Mr. Smith. 
Give me the name of any there that you can call to mind? I 
think Isaac C. Haight was there. Was John D. Lee present? 
No, sir, not to my knowledge. Did you see that messenger start 
to Brigham Young? I did not. Did you see the message that 
he took to Brigham Young? I did not. Did you ever read it? 
I did not. Did you know, or have any knowledge that any 
written communication was given by the Council to any one to 
carry to President Young? The understanding of the Council 
was that one should be written out for him prior to his startino-. 

Do you know of your own knowledge that one was written 
out? I didn't see Mr. Haight, but he should have made it out 
in time. I didn't see the paper. 

Then the understanding of the Council, as I take it, was this, 
that different parties presented different plans for having the 
people follow the emigrants ; that after all this argument it was 
agreed by the parties there that a messenger should go to 
Brigham Young for instructions as to how the people should 
treat the emigrants in that train, and nothing should be done 
with those emigrants until that messenger returned? That was 
the agreement — I understood it so. 

Who else did they agree to send a messenger to? I heard of 
no other but Governor Young. That was my proposition. 

Then you never heard of a messenger being sent to any other 
place, or to any other party, from that Council? No, I did not 
pay any attention to any other point, or what was considered ; 
only the one point that a messenger should go to President 
Young. 

Re -Direct by Howard — Did you understand that a messenger 
was to be sent down to John D. Lee ? I did, but I did not see 
him start. I understood that at the same time a messenger was 
to be sent. 

What did you understand? I understood that there was to be 
word sent down towards Pinto Creek. 

For what purpose ? To have the thing stayed according to 
contract, to agreement made. 

Wliat do you mean by the thing being stayed ? Was the 
massacre of that emigrant train discussed there at all? It was, 
sir ; and some were in favor of it, and some were not. 

Who were they ? Bishop Smith, I considered, was the hardest 
man I had to contend with. 
21 



322 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

Who else spoke about it? Isaac Haight and one or two 
others. I recollect my companions more than any one else. 

They were very anxious and rabid were they not? They 
seemed to think it would be best to kill the emigrants. Some 
of the emigrants swore that they had killed old Joseph Smith ; 
there was quite a little excitement there. 

You have given us the names of two who were in favor of 
killing those emigrants —who were the others ? Those were 
m}'^ companions, Isaac C. Haight and Klingensmith. I recollect 
no others. 

You remember that Council, and the agreement that they 
would not do anything until word came back from President 
Young? Yes, sir. 

Although you didn't see either of those messengers start, you 
understood messengers were sent each way? Yes, sir: to stay 
the opposition until that messenger returned. 

Re-Cross Examination — You say you understood a messenger 
was to be sent to Pinto Creek. Did John D. Lee live at Pinto 
Creek ? He lived at Harmony. 

Was it mentioned in that Council that a messenger was to be 
sent to Pinto Creek to sta}^ the thing until the other messenger 
o-ot back? Understand me, there was nothing said in that 
Council in regard to Pinto, only that the thing should be stayed. 
They took such measures to stay it as they thought proper. 
After the messenger, Mr. Haslem, returned I asked Mr. Haight 
about it, and he said he had sent word to let them pass, of 
course. That was the end of my experience in regard to it. 

Howard — Where did John D. Lee live at that time? He lived 
at Harmony. 

How far is Harmony from Pinto Creek? I don't know. 

What was his position at that time? He was a man of some 
influence among the Indians, and also held a position in the 
military. 

Was he not Indian Farmer? I think he had done something 
towards it. One thing I passed over at that Council ; I inquir- 
ed by what authority they were doing it, and they said by their 
own authority. Says I, has Dame got a letter here ; is there 
anything from Mr. Dame of Parowan? They said no. I de- 
manded a written letter or order from him before I would act ; 
they said they had none. 

James Haslem testified that he went as a messenger from 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 323 

Haight to Brigham Young, and that Brigham Young sent back 
word that "those men must be protected and allowed to go in 
peace." He got back with the message Sunday after the mas- 
sacre, and reported to Haight, who said, '' It is too late." 

JOEL WHITE. 

Sworn for the prosecution. 

Where did you live in 1857? I lived in Cedar City, Iron 
County. 

Do you remember the Mountain Meadows band of emigrants ? 
Yes, sir. 

Did you at that time know John D. Lee? Yes, sir. 

And Klingensmith? Yes, sir. 

Were you ever entrusted by anybody with a message to John 
D. Lee, or to any other person? No, sir, not to John D. Le e. 
During the delivery of which you met John D. Lee? Yes, sir. 
I was away from home at the time the emigrants passed through 
•Cedar Cit3^ I came home just before night. I can't recollect 
the day or date, nor anything of that kind ; but Mr. Haight 
called me as I was passing, and said he wanted a message taken 
to Pinto Creek, and wanted to know if I would go. I asked if it 
had to go to-night. He said it had, that the emigrants would 
pass Pinto to-morrow. He told me the nature of the dispatch. 
It was to the man in charge there at Pinto, to pacify the Indians 
if possible, and let the emigrants pass. Klingensmith was stand- 
ing by and volunteered to go with me, and I accepted his com- 
pany. 

Did you start with that message ? Yes, sir. 

Tell what occurred. When I got down to the lower corner of 
the field, after we had started, probably a mile and a half, or 
such matter, I don't recollect the distance now, I met John D. 
Lee. It was about dark ; he was coming toward Cedar. He 
asked us what the calculation of the people was in regard to 
those emigrants — in" regard to letting them pass. 

Did he ask you where you were going? I don't recollect. I 
told him — we both told him, but I told him in particular — the 
conclusion was to let them pass, and that I was going to Pinto 
with a letter to that effect, to have the Indians pacified as much 
as possible, to let them pass. Mr. Lee spoke up and said, "I 
don't know about that," or, " I have something to do about 
that," I don't exactly recollect the words, and drove on. 



324 M0BM0NI8M UNVEILED. 

Where were the emigrants at that time? They were camped 
on a little stream in the mountains, betwen Cedar City and Pinto, 
just off the road. We saw them indistinctly as we passed them 
in the night, but as we came back next day we met them on the 
travel. 

What place was that? Iron Springs. A very little spring, I 
hardly remember the locality. 

The emigrants hadn't yet reached Pinto? No, sir, because 
we met them. The first time I had ever seen tiiem I saw them 
coming up along there. 

Cross-examined — In which direction was Lee coming? He 
was coming up the road towards Cedar City. 

What day was it? I don't recollect neither the day of the 
week nor the month. 

You say it was about dark? It was about dusk then. 

How long was it before the massacre ? I could not say about 
that for certain . > 

About how many days? Probably four or five, may be six, 
may be not so long ; I could not say. 

You passed the emigrants then on your way that night? We 
passed, but didn't see them. 

Who was the man that you were carrying the message to? It 
was the man in charge of them there in Pinto Creek at that time. 
I can't recollect his name. 

Was not his name Richard Robinson? That is my impression, 
but I will not be sure, as there were several changes. There wa^ 
Rufus Allen, Richard Robinson, Thornton, and different ones 
that had charge along about that time. I can't recollect, but I 
think it was Richard Robinson. 

When did you move to Cedar City ? I moved there in the 
Fall of 1853? 

How long did you live there ? I left there in the Summer of 
'58. I left there and came to Beaver, and from there went 
north. 

Where do you reside now? I live at what is called Cedar 
Fort, Cedar Valley, in Utah County, five miles from Camp 
Floyd. 

You say you passed by near the emigrants' camp, but didn't 
see them? Yes, sir. We saw them next day on the travel. 

You afterwards saw those emigrants, I believe, at the 
Meadows? Yes, sir, a portion of them. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 325 

You were present at the Meadows at the time of the massacre? 
Yes, sir. 

Ee-Direct — You don't remember the day nor the date, but on 
your way back, after dehvering the message, you met these 
same emigrants, and you know they were the Mountain Meadows 
emigrants? Yes, sir. 

Ee -Cross-examined — You know they were the same ones from 
passing them and afterwards seeing them at the Meadows 
after they were killed? Klingensmith was with me, and he 
had seen the emigrants when they had passed through Cedar 
City, and there were some of the principal ones that he pointed 
out to me as we passed by them. 

Why did he point them out to you? One man that had made 
these threats that he had helped kill Joe Smith, and so forth. 

Did you see that same party at the Meadows afterwards? I 
don't recollect the same party. I saw the same band of emi- 
grants, I suppose at any rate no others had passed. 

SAMUEL KNIGHT. 

Sworn for the prosecution. 

Where do you live ? I live at Santa Clara. 

How long have you lived there? In the neighborhood of 
twenty-two years. 

Where did you live in '57? I lived at Santa Clara; that was 
my house. I lived on the Mountain Meadows. I was stopping 
on the Mountain Meadows that Summer. 

Will you state how you came up to Mountain Meadows, and 
how you were situated there? My family was sick at the time, 
and I moved my family up on account of the hot weather. I 
was herding stock at the Meadows and milking cows. 

Who was with you? Jake Hamblin and myself were proprie- 
tors. 

Describe that locality to the Court and Jury? The location is 
at the north end of what is termed Meadow Valley. 

How long is the Meadow Valley? Four miles long, and about 
one mile wide. 

Is it entirely surrounded by mountains and hills ? Yes, sir, 
it is entirely surrounded, except a gap at this end — the gap 
at which Hamblin's Eanch was situated, and the gap at the 
other end leads you out on the desert. It has a stream that 
leads to the Santa Clara stream. 



326 JIOIiJIOyiSM UNVEILED. 

On the first of September, 1857, you say you were stopping- 
there with your wife, who was out of health? A few days before 
she had been confined, and was lying nearly at the point of death ; 
we were living in a wagon-box by the side of Jake Hamblin's 
board shant}-. 

Did 3^ou about that time go down to your place at Santa 
Clara? Yes, sir, from Mountain Meadows. I went down a few 
days previous to this occurrence — this massacre — to see to 
some business down there — about watering the crop there. 

What time did you return ? It is not in my memory, the day 
of the week. 

With reference to the general massacre? It was the evening 
after it had been done in the morning — that is, the first a4:tack. 

I mean with reference to the general massacre of the women 
and children? That was nearly a week, I think. 

You are sure about that, are you? I don't exactly remember, 
but it was several days. 

What do you mean by the first attack, and from whom did 
you get your information? What information I got was from 
John D. Lee. 

State the particulars? As I said before, I was on my way 
to where I was staying at the time from my home at Santa Clara. 
From the ranch to Santa Clara settlement was thirty-five miles. 

How far below the lower mountain of the Mountain Meadows? 
About ten miles to where I met John D. Lee. I think he had 
on a hickory shirt, a straw hat, and home-spun pants. 

Did you have any conversation? Yes, sir. As I was riding 
along he hailed me. 

AVho was with you? I don't know that it is proper for me to 
state. 

Had you up to that time known any thing about the attack on 
the emigrants? No, sir, I had not. 

Did you notice any thing pecuhar about John D. Lee at that 
time? He showed me some bullet holes in his clothing, and may 
be one or two in his hat. 

State the conversation. All the conversation ? You can tell 
what you recollect. I think he told me that he had made an 
attack with the Indians, and got repulsed. 

When did he say he had made it? I think that morning at 
daylight, or near daylight. ^ 



rniAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 327 

Do you know whether he told you so or not? I am pretty 
positive he did. 

Did he tell 3'ou any thing about any escape that he had had? 
He said he had run a narrow escape, showing me the holes in 
his hat and shirt, where he had narrowly escaped being shot. 

State all the conversation. He rode along with us up to some 
eight or ten miles of where his camp was. When I saw him it 
was getting dusk, and we rode along together as far as the 
camp. 

Was he alone when he met you ? Yes, sir, as far as I know. 

Did he tell you whether any other white man had been with 
him in the attack? I am not certain. I got the impression from 
what he told me that there was not. 

Did he tell you from whom he got the bullets through his 
clothes, or not? I took it, of course. 

Did he say he got it on that assault on the emigrants? I can't 
give the exact language. 

What was the substance of what he told you about it? I col- 
lected from what he said that he had attacked the camp of these 
emigrants with the Indians, and that in making the attack he 
received the shots from the camp, that the bullets had come 
near to him, one through his shirt and another through his hat. 

Did he say anything about having a narrow escape ? I think 
he did. 

What camp did he refer to? The camp of the Mountain 
Meadows emigrants. 

You say he came back part of the way to the Mountain Meadows ? 
I don't know but what he went clear across the Meadows, I 
am not positive. I know he rode back with me. He rode back 
to where the camp was, at least, but whether he stopped there 
or not I will not be positve. 

Did you see him go towards the Indian camp afterwards ? I 
didn't know where the Indian camp was. It was in the night. 
He came to me about dusk. It was eight or nine o'clock when 
we got to where the camp was located. I went right over to my 
home. 

State whether you noticed anything peculiar about Mr. Lee's 
person, aside from his dress. No, nothing more than what I 
have stated. 

State whether he had any paint on him. I didn't notice any. 
It was between sundown ^nd daylight. It was nearly dusk when 



328 MOB3fOmS3I UNVEILED. 

I first saw him. We hadn't talked but a few minutes, when it 
was dark. 

How long a time passed until the general massacre ? Some 
five or six days. 

Did you remain there with your wife during all that time? 
Yes, sir, with the exception of being out after my stock once or 
twice. 

Had you anything to do with Lee, or see him after that time? 
He was over at Hamblin's ranch a few times. 

What was he there for? I don't know. 

Did he come alone ? He was there with other men, but how 
he came I don't know. 

Did he at any time come to you to get your teams? Yes, sir. 

What day was that with reference to the massacre of the men, 
women and children? It was the day it was done. 

What time? I think it was a little before 12 o'clock, the 
middle of the day. 

Who came with him? I think it was Klingensmith. 

Where were you, and what were j^ou doing? I was at home 
waiting upon my sick wife, who was there in the wagon, and 
doing chores necessary to be done about home. 

State the conversation that took place between you and Lee, 
or you and Klingensmith, in the presence of Lee, about what 
they came for? They told me they came to get my team and 
wagon to go over and haul away the sick and wounded from 
the train, and take them back to the settlements where they 
could care for them, as wagons were scarce. I didn't consent 
at first, I told them that I didn't want to go, that my family 
needed my presence at home. They insisted that I should go 
and said that duty called me to go. I said if the team went I 
should go myself with it. My team was a young team and had 
just been broke a few days, and the horses were fractious. 

From that point what was done ? Weil, I went over. I hitch- 
ed up my team and went over. Went with a common lumber 
wagon and box on it. 

Did you leave your wife there ? Yes, sir. 

Where did you go? I went right on to the Mountain Mead- 
ows, right on to the south end of the Mountain Meadows, or 
near there. I drove up to a camp of Indians and men camped 
somewhere to the left of the road, probably half a mile, may be 
not so far, at a little spring to the left of the road, and waited 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 329 

there a little while. I stopped some four or five rods from tliis 
camp and stood by my team until I was told to drive down to- 
wards the camp. 

Who told yjou? It is not in my memory. 

Did you drive down towards the camp ? I did. 

What camp? The emigrant camp. 

Did any other conveyance go down at the same time ? Yes, 
sir, another wagon, I went behind it. 

Did you see Lee there ? Yes, sir. 

Tell what he did from the first time j^ou saw him that morning 
on that particular piece of ground? I don't know what he did 
all the time. While I was waiting at the camp I don't know 
that I saw him while I was there. 

How far was that from the emigrants? I think nearly half a 
mile. 

Did you see anybody go to that emigrant camp? No, sir. I 
saw a man carrying a white flag. 

Who was that man? I could not tell. 

Was anybody with him? Yes, sir, I think John D. Lee was 
with him, or near him, and walked down to the camp. 

What occurred there? They walked with this white flag near 
the camp, and another man met them with a white rag on a stick. 
He came from the emigrant camp, and they met some distance 
from the camp, and held a consultation for a fevv minutes, and 
then we were told to drive along, or motioned to. 

Did any other man besides this man and John D. Lee go? 
Not any distance. I don't remember that they did. 

Who held that consultation? I was not acquainted with them, 
and was some distance from them, but I think it was John D. 
Lee, the man that carried the flag, and one or two who came 
from the emigrant camp. 

Who motioned for you to go along after the consultation? I 
can't tell, but the whole fraternity up there moved along with 
the wagons. 

When you got down to the camp what occurred? My wagon 
was loaded with some guns, some bedding, and a few individuals. 

Who superintended that loading up? John D. Lee. 

What guns were loaded into your wagons? The guns from 
the emigrant camp. 

When the emigrants came out afterwards, were they armed or 
not? They were not; not that I saw. 



330 M0BJI0XIS3I UNVEILED. 

What did they load into your wagon? Guns, bedding, and 
some clothing of different kinds, and several persons got in. I 
think three or four got in. 

What were those persons? As near as I can recollect, there 
were two men, one woman, and, I think, some children. 

State whether those men were w.ounded then, sick men, or 
what? I think they were wounded, but I stood holding m}^ team. 

State whether it was quite necessary for you to give all your 
attention to your team ? I considered it so. 

Then what occurred? After they were loaded in we were told 
to drive on towards home. 

By whom? I can't recollect. 

Did you drive along? We did. 

Do you know what was put into the other wagon? Mostly 
people. 

Were both those wagons loaded from the emigrant camp? 
Yes, sir. I started towards my home, north across the Mead- 
ows, lengthwise of the Meadows. It led to the north. 

After you started, how close did the other wagon follow? I 
followed it ; it went ahead. 

What followed you? The men, women and children; coming 
rJong after we drove out a little ways. 

Did you understand, from what you saw there, that the emi- 
grants vacated that camp and followed you? I did, sir. 

As you passed along, did 3^ou go with them, or did you go 
faster? We traveled a little faster. 

How far in advance of them did you get? I think we got, 
may be, a quarter of a mile. It might not have been that far, 
*but quite a little distance. 

What order did those emigrants march in, whether single file^ 
two abreast, or how? I could not give any testimony on that. 
I did not look back to see. 

Who accompanied you with 3'our wagon, who came along ? I 
remember John D. Lee being along with the wagons. 

Ahead of the emigrants? Yes, sir. 

Did anything occur after you had got up to the point desig- 
nated as, perhaps, a quarter of a mile ahead of those emigrants? 
The first thing that I heard had occurred. I heard a gun fired. 

Where was that gun? I don't know the locality exactly. It 
was behind me. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 031 

Was it near you, or down where the emigrants were ? It was 
below. 

How far behind you? I should judge nearly a quarter of a 
mile, the first gun I heard. 

What occurred then? I looked around and saw the Indians 
rising up from behind the brush, and went to butchering these 
emigrants. 

Did you see anything of them? I didn't see anything of the 
emigrants. 

Did you see any of those emigrants in your wagon interfered 
with? No, sir; not after I heard the first sound of the gun. I 
leaped from my wagon to see to my team. 

Did you see John D. Lee do anything to any of those emi- 
grants ? I saw John D. Lee raise something in the act of striking 
a person — I think it was a woman. I saw that person fall, but 
my attention was attracted at the same time to my team jumping 
and lunging. 

What became of that woman? I could not say. 

Will you state to the jury the manner of that striking? Well, 
as near as I can recollect it, it was done as though he had a club 
or gun in his hands, but which of the two I cannot tell. She 
was falling when I first saw her. When I turned my eyes away 
she was falling. 

You know he struck that woman ? Yes, sir. 

Either with a gun or with a club ? Yes, sir. 

Your team, you say, became very fractious. Is that all you 
saw John D. Lee do? That is all I could be positive about. 

What was he doing besides that? I could not be positive 
what he was doing all the time? State whether all of those 
people were killed there and then? They were; those in the 
wagon were all killed. 

Was it in your wagon or the one behind you that John D. Lee 
struck that woman? It was in the one ahead of me. 

Was that woman killed? I think she was. They were all 
killed. 

How many cattle had this emigrant train? I don't know, sir. 
Should judge three or four hundred head. 

Do you know who drove these cattle away from that ground ? 
No, sir ; I do not. 

Do you know whose men drove them off? No, sir ; only by 
report — by rumor. 



332 M0B2WNISM UNVEILED. 

Did you see Lee drive any of them ? No, sir ; I did not. 

Did you hear him say anything about it? I did not. 

Did Lee remain there until all in the wagons were killed? I 
think he did. 

Where did you go then? I drove immediately home. 

Which way did Lee go? I don't know — he was on the ground 
-when I left. 

Do you know the names of any of those parties who were 
killed there ? No, sir ; I do not. 

Cross-Examined — How many people were present around the 
wagons when you say you saw Lee strike the woman? I don't 
know how many. 

Were there any others there except Lee and yourself? I 
have an impression that there were, but I don't know who they 
were. I have always had an idea that there were one or two 
more men. 

Don't you know, as a matter of fact, that there were? Yes, 
sir ; there was another man that drove the other wagon, but how 
many more I don't know. 

You don't know the names of the men? Not that I recollect of. 

Were any Indians around there ? Yes, sir. 

Any around the wagons? Yes, sir. 

Did you see them take any part in the killing? Yes, sir; 
they took some part in the kilhng. There were not more than 
one or two men there, John D. Lee and the men that drove the 
wagon. 

How many Indians? I can't tell. 

Isn't it a matter of fact that about that time you wanted to 
get away from there, and to see as little as possible? I paid 
just as little attention as I possibly could. 

Didn't you make an effort to see as little of it as you could? 
I did, sir. 

That explains why you did not see all of it ? Yes, sir, I took 
all the pains I could to see as little as I could. 

Did not the Indians raise a yell, and make a rush for the wagon 
before you jumped out? Yes, sir, or about that time. 

Were they not surrounding the wagons at the time you saw 
Lee. strike? Yes, sir. 

There were Indians all around and close to you at the time? 
Yes, sir, there were Indians all round ; quite a number all round 
there. 



'TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 33a 

Did they rush toward the people in the wagons with hostile 
intentions? Yes, sir, with apparently hostile intentions. 

You saw them kill a number of people — didn't they kill that 
woman? It was my impression that John D. Lee killed her. 

Do you know? Yes, sir, I do. 

Did you see him do anything else except strike ? No, sir. 

That much you did see ? Yes, sir, I did. 

Who was that man with you at the Meadows, the first time 
you saw John D. Lee, the night after the first attack? I decline 
to tell. 

Re-Direct — State where those cattle of the emigrants were at 
the time of the massacre. They were north a little ; up this 
way. 

How soon after that were they driven away? I think next 
day. 

Do you know whose men drove them away? I do not. 

Were the emigrants' wagons destro3^ed there on the ground,, 
or were they taken away? I don't know. They passed along. 

Was the field cleared of the emigrant property ? Yes, sir, 
cattle and everything. 

Were any wagons burned or destroyed? No, sir, not that I 
know of. 

How long did you stay there after that? Nearly a month. 

SAMUEL m'mURDY. 

Sworn for the prosecution. 

Where do you live now ? I live in Cache County, Paradise. 

Did 3'ou live in any other place than Paradise in 1857? I 
lived at Cedar City. I don't recollect dates. Did you live there 
at the time of the Mountain Meadows Massacre? Yes, sir. 

State whether you were called upon to go to Mountain 
Meadows? I was called upon to go and take my team and 
wagon. 

By whom ? I believe it was John M. Higbee that called me. 

State from that point the circumstances ? I was threshing my 
grain. I had my grain spread out in the yard, and was tramp- 
ing it with horses at the time I was called upon. I was notified 
to leave in two hours' notice. It was sometime in the afternoon 
that I was called upon. 

Of what day? I could not state. 

With reference to the date of the general massacre ? I think 



1534 3I0B3I0mS31 UKVEILED. 

it was a day prior to it. Was it stated to you for what pur- 
j)ose you were to go there? No, sir. 

Did you know? No, sir. 

Did you go? Yes, sir. 

Who went with 3^ou? There were a number that went in the 
wagon with me. Some I can recollect, Klingensmith for one, 
a man by the name of Hopkins, and two or three more besides 
that w^ent during the time that I went down, I understood from 
the men that were in the wagon. I asked them what was the 
matter. They told me- that the emigrants had been attacked, 
and we had to go down and arrest the attack, if possible. That 
was the purpose that I expected to go for — was to preserve the 
emigrants from the Indians. 

What time did you get there ? It was in the afternoon when 
we started — late. It must have been v/ay in the night when we 
got there. I could not tell you the time. We traveled a good 
many hours in the night. Got there and turned out the horses 
and camped. 

Did you stay until morning? Yes, sir; staid there till morn- 
ing, and during the next day I got up my horses. 

Anybody give you orders? Yes, sir. 

Who? John D. Lee. He told me to take the wagon and fol- 
low him to camp. 

What camp? The camp of the emigrants. 

The emigrants that were afterwards killed? Yes, sir. 

Did you go? I did. 

State what you saw. I went with him to camp, and there was 
another wagon, if I recollect right. The man that drove the 
wagon was a stranger to me. I never saw him before. When 
we got within a short distance of the camp there was a man with 
a flag of truce sent out. 

Who was that man? His name was Mr. Bateman. 

Where is he? Dead. 

Where was he sent from ? Sent from w^here we stood with the 
-wagons. 

Who went with him? John D. Lee followed immediately af- 
terwards. 

What occurred? A man came out from the camp and had an 
interview with John D. Lee. 

What was the substance of that conversation? I was too far 
otf to tell. I saw Lee and this man talking. 



TBIAL OF JOIIX D. LEE. 335 

Did 3^ou hear any of the talking? Not any that I could dis- 
tinguish. 

After they talked what was done? After they talked they 
seemed to come to an understanding, ten, fifteen or twenty min- 
utes, then Lee ordered us to drive up the wagons. We drove 
up the wagons. The emigrants, assisted by Lee, loaded the 
wagons. My wagon was loaded with some bedding, some truck of 
different kinds, belonging to the people that got in. Some would 
have their things with them, as if they were going a journey. 
A number got in, men, women and children, from the emigrant 
camp, some of them apparently wounded. I could not say how 
many, it is so long ago. I never charged my memory with it. I 
could not state how many there w^ere. 

Go on. We were ordered to start out by John D. Lee, and 
we started out from that place. 

State whether the other wagon was loaded also? It was. 

Were there any guns put into either wagon? There were not 
in mine. 

Did you at any time leave your team ? No, sir. 

When John D. Lee directed you to drive, what took place? 
We proceeded some distance on the Meadows. Mine was the 
head team. 

Who accompanied you? John D. Lee was walking behind the 
wagon, between the two wagons. 

By the Court— Were there any persons in those two wagons? 
Yes, sir. They were loaded up with persons and things. 

Were both of those wagons loaded with men, women and chil- 
dren from that camp of emigrants? Yes, sir, and other things 
besides. 

How many got into your wagon? I could not say. It is im- 
possible for me to tell. I should think half a dozen. 

What were the}^ — men and women ; any children in your's? I 
think there were some small children. 

And as you started on you saw Lee take a position between 
the two wagons and walk on behind you? Yes, sir. 
, How far behind you? I could not tell you. I had as much 
as I could do to attend to my team. We must have been quite 
a little distance ahead of the other team. My team was a very 
fast walking team. Lee checked me up several times. I had to 
liold on to the lines. 

Did he give you any reasons for it? No, sir. I out-walked 



336 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

him. We walked very fast. How many times did he tell yoii 
not to walk so fast? Several times. 

By Howard — What occurred from that point? He called to 
me to halt after we got out of sight of the camp. 

Who did? John D. Lee. When we got out of sight, over the 
hill, there is where we passed out of sight of everything. There 
is a rising ground there. We were this side of it, and everything 
back towards the emigrants was out of sight. When we got to 
this place Lee ordered me to halt. At that instant I heard the 
sound of a gun. I turned and looked over my shoulder, and 
Lee had his gun to his shoulder, and when the gun had exploded 
I saw, I think it was a woman, fall backwards. I had to 'tend to 
my team at the time. 

Who discharged that gun? John D. Lee must have dis- 
charged it. 

Did he hold it in his hand? Yes, sir. He must have hit her 
in the back of the head. She fell immediately. 

Go on. I turned round. It seemed to me like I heard sounds 
of striking with a heavy instrument, like a gun would make, 
but I never saw any striking done. But I turned round to the 
other side a few minutes afterwards, and saw Lee draw his pis- 
tol and shoot from two to three in the head t)f those who were in 
the wagon. 

Did he kill them? He must have killed them. 

What were those he shot — men, women or children? Men 
and women. 

And they fell off underneath the wagon, then and there? I 
could not say then and there. They must have been all killed. 

Did you go back at all? No, sir. 

Never wanted to go back? No, sir — never. 

Who fired the first gun — which was the first gun fired? It 
would be impossible for me to tell. The first gun I heard was 
the first gun fired right at the back of me that attracted my at- 
tention. 

You looked around and saw the gun in Lee's hands? Yes, 
sir ; that was the first gun I heard. 

Were there immediately volleys of firing? Yes, sir; I heard 
firing immediately^ afterwards. 

Was that the signal to begin firing? Yes, sir, that was the- 
beginning. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 337 

How long- after Lee told you to halt was that firing? It was 
instantly done. 

And you looked around and saw the gun? Yes, sh*. 

Cross Examined — You say that you got your orders from 
Higbee to go down there? I believe it was from Higbee, but I 
am not sure. I am almost positive it was from him. 

Did Higbee go with you? I don't recollect. 

Where did you camp that night ? On the Meadows. 

How many men were there? I could not say. 

About how many men were there? I could not give it, 
because I went in the dark, and had my team to hunt next 
morning. I turned them out, and it took up all my attention. 

Next morning how many men did you see there? I don't 
recollect anything about it. 

You did not see anybody there except yourself, and John D. 
Lee, and the man that carried the flag, did you? I saw a good 
many there, but they were strangers to me. 

You can't tell about how many were there? I might if I had 
counted them, and impressed my memory with it. 

Do you think there is anything you saw, during the time you 
were absent from home, but what is burned into your memory, 
so that it is impossible for you to forget it? Yes, sir, a number 
of things. 

One of the principal things that you cannot recollect is the 
names of your friends who were there ? I don't know that I had 
any friends there, any more than I have here. 

Can you give me the names of any of the men that you saw 
there that day? Well, sir, I could not really recollect. I sup- 
pose not? I might if I was to sit down and think for a while. 
A little thing like that you would not recollect. 

Will you please tell me the names of the parties that were 
present on the ground, at the time you started to drive down to 
the emigrant camp? It is impossible for me to do it. 

How many men were in sight at the time you started to drive 
down — of your friends, parties from Cedar City or elsewhere ? 
Well, sir, I could not say. I don't recollect seeing any of 
them. I was too much absorbed in my team and in my 
own surroundings. 

What caused you to be so much absorbed? Any man that 
has a team to attend to under circumstances of firing of 

guns 

22 



338 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

Were any guns firing then ? Not then. 

You did not get roused up until after they had loaded your 
wagon. Had anything happened to excite you previous to the 
loading up of your wagon at the emigrant camp? I am not 
aware of anything particularly. 

You didn't know at that time that any one was to be killed? 
No, sir. 

You had not even heard that any one was to be killed? 
No, sir. 

You thought you were on an errand of mercy? Yes, sir. 

You thought you had gone there in good faith to help those 
emigrants back to Cedar City? Yes, sir, that was my under- 
standing. 

You had driven down across the valley to the emigrant camp, 
and the only men yoxx saw during that entire time were John D. 
Lee and this man that carried the flag? I saw a lot of emi- 
grants around there. 

I am speaking now of the people who lived in that vicinity? 
Outside of the men that lived at Cedar City, they were strangers 
to me, and I could not tell who they were. 

You saw them the night before? No, sir, I did not. 

Didn't you see them on the ground before you started to 
drive down to the emigrant camp? I could not say that I did. 
I don't recollect of seeing any quantity of men where I was, 
at all. 

You didn't see any Indians that morning? No, sir. 

No Indians at the time of the killing? I could not say about 
that. I believe there were Indians around. 

Well, do you know? I don't recollect. 

You do not recollect to have seen any Indians? Yes, sir, I 
saw Indians around there, but at the precise moment of time I 
could not say. 

Did you see more than one or two Indians ? I saw a great 
many Indians there after the firing commenced. 

Where did those Indians come from? I don't know. 

What were they doing? I could not tell. 

Did you see them commit any acts of hostility? I don't 
recollect. I don't doubt but they did, but I can't recollect of 
their doing anything of the kind. 

You pretend to say now that at the time the gun was fired, 
and from that time on, your excitement and fear were so great 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 339 

that you can't recollect all that did happen? Yes, sir, that's 
about true. 

How far did you haul those people after they were killed? 
Left them right there. 

Who took them out? John D. Let. 

Don't you think he killed a dozen? I could not tell. 

Give us your best impression ? My impression is that there 
might be half a dozen. 

You did not help kill any one — did you kill any one there ? 
I had nothing to do with it at all. 

Then you did not raise your hand against any one at that 
time, or do any of the killing of the emigrants? I believe I am 
not upon trial, sir. 

I ask if you refuse to answer the question? No answer. 

Did you upon that occasion, on the day when the Mountain 
Meadows Massacre took place, kill any person upon that ground 
or assist in the kilUng of any person? I do)i't tuish to answer. 

You say every person that was in the wagons was killed? To 
my best recollection and knowledge. 

Don't you know, as a matter of fact, that there were some 
seventeen children in those wagons that were not killed? I 
don't recollect the number. 

Don't you know there were a number of children that were 
not killed? Yes, sir. 

Explain what you mean? I mean all of the grown persons 
were killed, the children were saved, sir. I believe I assisted 
to haul them away, to take them off. 

Re-Direct — How many children were saved from the massacre ? 
I have no recollection. 

Where did you take them to — those that you had? They 
were distributed around ; one went to one house, and another to 
another.* 

NEPHI JOHNSON. 

Sworn for the prosecution. 

Where did you live in 1857? I lived at a place called Fort 
Johnson, Iron County. 

What was your business? I was living with my father — farmer. 



*See Confession where Lee describes the murderous actions and cool-blooded 
manner with which McMurdy proceeded to butcher people for " The sake of the 
Kingdom." Page 241. 



340 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

Were you an Indian Interpreter? Yes, sir; I could talk some 
with the Indians at that time. 

Were you at the Mountain Meadows Massacre? Yes, sir. 

How old were you at that time ? I was in my nineteenth year. 

Did you kill anybody, on help to kill anybody there? No, sir, 
I did not. 

Tell this court and jury all you know about that? I was called 
on Thursday of the week they were killed. They were killed 
the next day. 

Where were you? I was on my father's farm, finishing up my 
harvesting. 

What occurred ? There was a young man by the name of 
Clewes-^his name has been mentioned here. I am not certain 
about its being Clewes, it may have been young KUngensmith, 
came down with a note from Isaac C. Haight, that I was wanted 
in Cedar City. I went to Cedar City, and he told me some 
men were going out to the Mountain Meadows and that I must 
accompany them, and I did so. 

What did he tell you they were going there for? He didn't 
tell me. I understood they were going out to bring in the dead, 
slain by the Indians. 

Would you have gone if you had had any other under- 
standing? No, not if I could have helped it. 

Did you go there? Yes, sir. 

What time did you get there? I should judge between twelve 
and one o'clock in the night. I got to Hamblin's ranch at that 
time. 

Who did you see there ? I saw John D. Lee and KUngen- 
smith, and a man by the name of Western. I did not see those 
men until morning. 

Was Hamblin at home ? No, sir ; he was not. 

Did you learn that he had gone any where? Yes, sir. 
, Did you have any conversation with Lee about his having 
been in a fight with the emigrants? No, sir; I didn't have any 
conversation with him in relation to it. 

Did you hear him say anything about it? Yes, sir. 

What did you hear him say? In speaking to the Indians, he 
referred to having been in a fight with the emigrants. 

What did he say ? He said that the Indians and himself had 
made an attack on the emigrants and been repulsed. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 341 

What else did he say ? Did he say anything about running 
any narrow risks? No, sir; he did not. 

Did he show any place where his clothing was shot? There 
was a bullet-hole which I noticed in his shirt, which the Indians 
told me was received down at the camp in that attack. 

Anything about his hat? I didn't notice anything about his 
hat. 

Did you notice anything about paint on him? After mature 
reflection, I don't think I did ; I have the impression that I 
noticed something of that kind around his hair. 

Did he say when the attack was made ? He told me (those 
were a few Indians he was telling) there were three Indians 
there that had been wounded, and I was conversing with them 
after I got in, in the night. 

Were you acquainted with the Indians — the Pah Vant Indians ? 
Yes, sir ; somewhat acquainted. 

Were you acquainted with the Indians below? Yes, sir. 

What was Lee's position at that time with the Indians? Well, 
he used to farm for them, help them to farm. 

What was his influence over them? His influence was good. 

Were any of the Pah Vant Indians down there? I didn't see 
any. 

You are now at Hambhn's ranch, Friday morning. State what 
took place that day on the ground. I got on my horse in the 
morning. 

Why did you do it? John D. Lee told me to, and Klingen- 
smith told me to go with them down to the camp. The main 
Indian camp was down below the emigrant train, and I got on 
my horse and rode down with them in the morning. There were 
some men camped down on the meadows, down near the Indian 
camp. There a few men there, and a few arrived while I was 
there. They were talking around. I didn't know what was 
said. A man went out near to the emigrant camp, and there 
was a white flag — a flag of truce on a stick sent down to the 
emigrant camp. 

Who sent it down? It was John D. Lee had the management 
of the concern, if I understand it right — well, I will say that he 
did. 

Follow that flag of truce, what occurred? It went down to 
the emigrant camp, and two men came out and met it and 



342 M0BM0mS3I UNVEILED. 

returned back again, and John D. Lee and another man went 
down to meet with the two that came out of the camp. 

Did they talk? They spoke there a while, I could not hear 
what was said. 

Did they appear to be in conversation ? Yes, sir ; and finally 
they returned, and some wagons were sent for to go down to the 
camp and take out some clothing and guns, and some few 
wounded. 

Who directed those wagons to go? Well, sir, it was Klingen- 
smith or John D. Lee, they seemed to be engineering the thing. 

Did John D. Lee go down to the emigrant camp? Yes, sir. 

How many people were loaded into those wagons, and 
who were those people? I can't tell you. Just as they went 
down I was where the men were. I had ridden down and tied my 
horse to a root on the hill ; he got loose and I went for him, as 
the wagons went down to the emigrant camp, just as the wagons 
started away from the camp. 

How many wagons started from the camp? Two. 

What position did you occupy? I had not got back with my 
horse. 

Were you on the hill — on a prominence ? I was not over 300 
yards from the people, where the people were passing along ; 
the emigrants following the wagons. How many wagons? Two. 

Were these people in those wagons? Yes, sir. 

Did you see Lee there? Yes, sir. 

What position did he occupy when you saw him ? Following 
between the wagons. 

Which way were they going? North, towards Hamblin's ranch. 

Did you see the emigrants following the wagons out of their 
camp. Yes, sir. 

Were they armed or unarmed? Not armed. 

How far behind the wagons? The women and children along 
with the wagons, the men a little behind. 

Do you mean along in the trail behind the wagons? Yes, sir. 

And the men behind all? Yes, sir. 

How many of them? I should judge about twenty-five or 
thirty men. 

How many women ? Probably there were not so many women 
as men. 

You don't pretend to give the number? No, sir. 

How far from the wasjons at the head of the column were the 



TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 343 

people that were walking? The wagons got a good deal ahead. 
Were the people marching in double or single file ? I could 
not tell you. The women and children were following along 
promiscuously, and some of the men. 

Were you where you could see the wagons plain and see Lee ? 
Yes, sir. 

Were you armed? I had a pistol. 

Did you shoot it off at all ? No, sir. 

Did you have anything to do, in any way, shape or manner 
with that massacre ? No, sir. 

Will you tell the jury what you saw done at those wagons, and 
the order in which you saw it? When the wagons got up apiece 
ahead of the men I heard a gun fired. 

Where was it? I think it was behind. I am not sure it was 
behind the wagons. I turned round to look, and at that the In- 
dians and whites made a rush, and there was a general firing. 

Where was that gun fired off? I think the gun fired was some 
distance behind the wagons. 

What took place then? The people were killed. 

Did you see any of them killed? Yes, sir. 

Did you see John D. Lee kill any of them? I saw him fire off, 
and saw a woman fall as I looked down to the wagons. 

What wagon was it? I am not certain. I think it was the 
lead wagon. 

Tell what occurred? I saw his gun fired, heard the report of 
the gun and saw it fired, and saw a person fall, and the gun was 
held in his hand. 

Did it kill her ? I didn't go to see. The Indians rushed. 

What did you see him do next ? I looked down below to the 
men that were below, and then when I looked back again — 

Was the massacre going on then down lower? Yes, sir, In- 
dians and all along the line. I saw John D. Lee and some In- 
dians pulling some persons out of the wagons. 

What did you see him do to anybody else? I can't swear, 
but from the motions I should say he cut a man's throat. 

Tell how he did it? I can't tell you, only I saw his arms 
moving around pulling men out of the wagons. They went to 
the lett of him. I was not near enough to see, but he seemed to 
hold on to him. 

Who pulled him out of the wagon ? John D. Lee and an In- 
dian. 



344 3I0B3I0XISJI UNVEILED. 

Did you see John Did Lee make any motions? I did. 

What were they? I thought at the time that he was cutting a 
man's throat, but then I was so far off. 

You were in plain sight? Yes, sir. 

Have you any doubt that is what he did there? No, sir. 

What else did you see him do? I didn't see him do anything 
else at the time. 

At any other time ? No, sir. 

Did you see him do anything else towards killing those peo- 
ple? No, sir. 

How long a time did it occupy, that massacre? Not over five 
minutes — not over three minutes. 

How many people were killed, do you know? No, sir, I don't. 

Did you have any conversation with John D. Lee after that 
about it? I have had at different times, but I don't know that 
I can recollect the conversation that passed. 

Did you ever have a conversation with him in which he told 
you the particulars of the first attack? He told me once some- 
thing in relation to it, but it is so long ago. It was only that he 
attacked them; that the attack was made just as daylight was 
appearing in the morning. He said he went with the Indians to 
make the attack. 

Did he give you any reasons for making the attack? No, sir. 

How many cattle were there belonging to that train? That I 
cannot tell. There was quite a number — quite a lot of stock. 

How many wagons did those emigrants have? Thirteen I 
counted. 

Do you know what was done with the cattle? Taken to Iron 
Springs. 

Who took them around there? I don't know who took them 
there — some men took them there. 

Do 3'ou know of Lee having and using any of the wagons 
afterwards? I saw some of the wagons at Harmony several 
weeks afterwards. 

What did you say became of the cattle? Taken to Iron 
Springs. 

B}^ whom? I understood by John D. Lee's orders. 

Do you know what was done with the cattle ? I saw some of 
the cattle afterwards on the Harmony range close to Lee's resi- 
dence. 



TBIAL OF JOim D. LEE. 345 

There under bis charge ? I suppose so. I am not definite 
about that. 

Do you know whether any of them were killed by Lee ? No, 
sir. Never saw him kill any of them ; he told me once that he 
had given the Indians several beeves, and the Indians told me 
he had. 

How long had you been acquainted with the Indians in South- 
ern Utah at the time of the massacre? 1 had been somewhat 
acquainted with them for five years. I came to Iron County in 
the Spring of '51 and resided there until '57. 

Were your relations with the Indians intimate ? With some 
portions of them they were. 

Do 3^ou know at that date, the time of this massacre, what the 
relations were existing between the people of Southern Utah and 
the Indians ; whether the}^ were hostile or whether they were 
friendly? They were friendly. 

State whether they were in good subjection or not? 

Bishop objected to the introduction of this testimony by this 
witness. First, because the proper foundation had not been laid 
to show that this witness knew how far the Indians had been 
placed under subjection. Second, because the prosecution had 
introduced written evidence, documents written by Brigham 
Young and John D. Lee, to show the exact condition of the 
Indians at that time, and before that. Third, they seek to prove 
that the Indians were friendly to the people of Utah ; that is 
irrelevant and immaterial here, from this fact, that there is no 
question now before the court or jury as to whether the Indians 
of Utah were friendly with the citizens of Utah or not. It is 
not claimed by either the prosecution or the defense, that the 
Indians had made any attack at that time, or that they after- 
wards made any attack on the citizens of Utah. The only ques- 
tion on trial is as to the fate of certain people, non-residents of 
Utah, and the fact as to whether this defendant was connected 
with their taking off or not. 

After argument the question was withdrawn. 

What was the influence of John D. Lee over the Indians of 
Southern Utah, those that were there present at the massacre ? 

Objected to until it is shown that this party knows what that 
Influence was. Question withdrawn. 

Do you know the relations existing between John D. Lee and 
those Indians? The relations between John D. Lee and those 



346 M0n3[0mS3l UNVEILED. 

Indians, a small portion of Indians that roved around in there, 
were good ; but the Indians further south, I don't know. The 
Indians of Santa Clara, and further on, I did not know. 

Had you any information, before you went there, from John 
D. Lee's Indians, that he had control of, that he had promised 
to go there? I had information from Indians that went there. 

How long was that before you went? It was on Monday 
evening, before the massacre on Friday. 

What was that information? Objected to. Question with- 
drawn. 

Cross-Examined. — How old were you at the time of the mas- 
sacre? I was in my twentieth 3^ear. 

Where were you at the time Mr. Haight ordered you to go to 
the Mountain Meadows? I was at Cedar City. 

What time in the day was that? It was some time in the 
afternoon of Thursda}^ 

The da}^ before the massacre? Yes, sir. 

How many men went with you to Cedar City? Two went 
with me to Cedar City. 

Who were they? Klingensmith's son, and I can't recollect 
who the other was, came down to tell me I was wanted there. 
A man by the name of Charles Hopkins, and Charles Western, 
went with me to the Meadows. I went on horseback, and John 
Western went with the wagons. There were no others went at 
that time. There were others before, I understood. 

How many did you find there when you got there, citizens 
of Cedar City and the surrounding country? I can't tell you 
the number. 

How many, ten, fifteen or twenty? I should judge ten or 
fifteen. 

Is it not a fact that there were more than twenty-five or thirty 
men — white men — there, that you saw on the ground? There 
might have been. 

Wasn't there that number? I could not tell you. 

Why can't you tell me? Because I didn't count them. I 
was not there long enough to ascertain the number of men that 
were there. 

Where did you go that night when you went on the ground? 
I went to Hamblin's ranch. Got there about twelve or one 
o'clock — not far from midnight — and lay down there till morning. 



TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 347 

What time did you get to the Meadows next morning? It was 
some time in the forepart of the day. 

Did you go to the camp where the cilzens were located? Yes, 
sir. 

About how many men did you find there? There were some 
in two places. I found some eight or ten at the place I went. 

Did 3^ou go to the other place? I didn't go there. 

Then how do you know men were there ? I saw them. 

How far off? Some were in sight. 

Were they within half a mile of you ? Yes, sir. 

Were there any Indians on the Meadows after you got there? 
Yes, sir. 

Where were the Indians with reference to the white men? 
The Indians camped some distance from the whites. 

Were the Indians out of their camp and up at that of the 
whites? Several came up while I was there. 

Then after they came up to see you they staid up there around 
where the white men were? Yes, sir. 

What men were at the camp where you stopped? Well, sir, 
I didn't stop at the camp. I stayed there a few minutes and 
talked to Mr. Bateman. 

Who did you see there ? Mr. Bateman, Charles Hopkins and 
Klingensmith, where I was talking. 

Wliere is Bateman? Dead. 

Where is Hopkins ? I understand he is dead. 

Do you refer to the same Klingensmith that was a witness at 
the last trial? He was the man that was Bishop at Cedar City. 

Where is Western? I can't tell you. I don't know whether 
he is dead or alive. 

Did you see Isaac C. Haight? Not when I first went to the 
camp. 

You saw him around at the Meadows ? Yes, sir, I saw him at 
the Meadows. 

Did you see a man by the name of Stewart? I don't recollect. 

Did you see Higbee ? Yes sir. 

Wilden? I don't recollect. 

Did you see old man Young? Yes, sir. 

How many others did you see? I can't tell you. 

You stayed there a few minutes and then went to get your 
horse ; where was it you heard the conversation between John 



348 3I0B2I0NISM UNVEILED. 

D. Lee and the Indians? It was at the camp at Hamblin's 
ranch. 

Give that entire conversation that passed between John D. 
Lee and the Indians? I can't. 

Start in and give from the first to the last of it as well as you 
can? I don't know as I can, sir. 

What language did John D. Lee talk in to the Indians? He 
had an Indian boy as interpreter. 

Who was that Indian interpreter. It was the Indian boy 
called Alma, I think, that he would talk with and then have the 
Indian interpret it to the Indians. 

Then he talked English and the boy interpreted to the In- 
dians? I suppose so. 

You understood both languages. Do you remember whether 
the Indian interpreted and told the Indian what Lee said, or 
not? I didn't hear him tell the boy anything about the attack. 

Didn't you testify that 3^ou had a talk with Lee, and that you 
her.rd him talk with the Indians, and say that he had attacked 
the emigrants ? No, sir, I said the Indians told me so. Yes, sir ; 
I did. Lee was talking when I went to the camp, and he did 
sa}^ so. 

Tell me whether he talked English or Indian? He talked 
English to me and told me so. 

Give me that conversation? He told me they had attacked 
the camp on Monday night, and been repulsed. 

What else? I can't be expected to remember all the conver- 
sation twenty j^ears ago. 

I want all that you do know. Do 3'ou know any more about 
it? Can you recollect anything more that he said? Nothing 
that I recollect. 

Did he give you any reason for attacking the emigrants? 
No, sir. 

Did you find any fault with him for attacking them? Was 
anything said about whether it was right or wrong? No, sir; I 
was a boy; I didn't consider it my business to talk to my 
superior officers in regard to such things? 

How was that about Lee being 3- our superior officer? I sa^^ I 
was a boy and didn't consider I had a right to talk to a man in 
his position in such matters. 

Did he have any control over 3"ou? No. 

What right had he to control your actions? No answer. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 349 

What position did be hold that gave him the right to direct 
your movements? I was sent there. 

You have spoken of his being your superior officer. Tell me 
what position John D. Lee held that enabled him to control 
your actions? They called him Myjor Lee, and I was sent by 
Major Haight to go to the Mountain Meadows, to Major Lee. 

That is the reason you considered that you had nothing to do 
with it? Yes, sir. 

Did Haight tell you what you were to do there? No, sir. 

He simply told you to go to the IMountain Meadows? Yes, sir. 

What do 3^ou mean b}^ your evidence, when you were asked 
by Mr. Howard a question, and you answered that \o\\ would 
not have gone to the Meadows if you had known what was to be 
done ? That is, not if I could help it. 

State whether you were under any compulsion? I didn't con- 
sider it was safe for me to object. 

Explain what you mean, that is what I want. Where was the 
danger — who was the danger to come from if you objected — 
from Haight or those around him — from the Indians, or from the 
emigrants? From the military officers. 

Where ? At Cedar City. 

Was Haight one of those militarj^ officers? Yes, sir. 

Who was the highest military officer in Cedar City at that 
time? I think it was Isaac C. Haight. 

You thought it would not be safe for joxv to refuse, had j^ou 
any reasons to fear danger — had any persons ever been injured, 
for not obeying, or anything of that kind? I don't want to 
answer. 

It is necessary to the safety of the man I am defending, and I 
therefore insist upon an answer. Had any person ever been 
injured for not obeying? Yes, sir; they had. 

And from what you had seen before that, you thought it was 
your duty, under the circumstances, to obey counsel, or com- 
mands given you by Haight? Yes, sir. 

Did Haight hold any office except that of Major in the 
military ? He held the office of President of Cedar Cit}^ 

An ecclesiastical office — President of that Stake of Zion, I 
believe you call it? Yes, sir. 

Tell me how old Haight was then? I can't. 

A man full-grown, I presume ? Yes, sir. 

After you had caught your horse, how far were you from the 



350 M0BM0NI83I UNVEILED. 

wagons at the time you heard the first firing? "Well, I was not 
over 300 yards, and perhaps not more than 250. 

What was the nature of the ground ? I was on higher ground ; 
if you have ever been to the Mountain Meadows, it gradually 
descends down from the mountains to the meadows. 

You were on the upland — above the wagons? Yes, sir. 

Between j-ou and those parties were there any trees or shrub- 
bery, or anything of that kind? There were some to my left — 
kind of behind me. 

You were at the left of the column ? To the right of the col- 
umn. 

Then to your left, in between you and the wagons, there was 
nothing to obstruct jom vision whatever? Not between me and 
the wagons. 

At that time could you see down to the meadows to where the 
principal part of the emigrants v/ere killed? I could see the 
head of the column of the emigrants. The lower part of the 
-column was hid b}^ this oak bush that is there. 

Did you see any Indians there at the time you heard this first 
shot, or soon afterwards? Yes, sir, soon afterwards. 

You stopped your horse at the time you heard the first shot 
and paid particular attention to what was going on? Yes, sir. 

You continued there inactive until the whole thing was over? 
Yes, sir. 

You say you saw John D. Lee there. Did you not see Samuel 
McMurdy, one of the drivers, there also. Yes, sir. 

What did he do? He was holding his horses all the time. I 
did not see him let go of them. 

Do you know whether he took part in the killing, or not? No, 
sir, I don't. I can't sa3^ 

What was Sam Knight doing ? Sam Knight, when I looked 
.around, was out on the ground holding his horses. 

How long did they stand there and hold their horses? Not 
long. The killing did not last over five minutes. 

What did they do when they let go of their horses? I saw the 
wagons going off. There was another white man there along 
with the Indians, but who he was I do not know. I can't tell. 
I never enquired to find out. 

It was none of your business? No, sir. 

And you just let the matter pass? But you did see John D. 
Lee killing emigrants, but you don't know who else killed any? 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 351 

No^ sir. 

You have not tried to find out since, have you? No, sir, I 
have not. 

You have talked this over a great many times since, and heard 
it talked over, I suppose ? No, sir, but very little. 

You have had people ask you about the facts and circum- 
stances frequently? Yes, sir, but it is something that I have 
avoided. 

Is this the first time, since you arrived in Beaver City, that 
you have talked this thing all over, except when talking to the 
attorneys for prosecution? No answer. 

From 3'Our silence I see you wish to avoid talking to me, too. 
You have never talked this over to any one ? No, sir. 

Until you came to Beaver? I might have done so. I can't 
recollect. 

How many of the military did you see drawn up in line there 
on the field of the Mountain Meadows, about the time the wag- 
ons drove off? I can't tell you. 

Quite a number, were there not? Yes, sir. 

Who was commanding that military body drawn up in line 
there? I can't tell wtiich it was, Klingensmith or John M. Higbee 

They were both there ? Yes, sir, I think so. 

Is it not the fact that these men were drawn up in military 
line — standing there with arms in their hands — within two hun- 
dred yards of the emigrant camp? I can't tell you. 

Did you see them march in? I saw them marching, as I told 
you ; when I got my horse and turned back I saw them marching. 

I understood you to say that it was the emigrants that you 
saw marching after the wagons. Did you see the militia from 
Cedar City marching too, at the same time? There were men 
coming all along all together. I can't tell you whether they 
were militia or emigrants. All were marching along together. 

About what time did the emigrants come out of the camp? 
It was some time in the afternoon, I think. 

How long had j'ou been there at the Mountain Meadows, 
before the massacre took place? Well, I went from Hamblin's 
ranch in the morning ; I hadn't been there a great while. 

Johnson. — Where were you born? I was born in the State 
of Ohio. 

How old were you when you arrived in Utah? I was some 
twelve years of age. 



352 JlOIiJIOmSJI UNVEILED. 

Came I suppose with your parents, to Utah Territory? 
Yes, sir. 

Resided in Utah ever since ? Yes, sir. 

Reside now at Johnson's Fort, the same place you did at that 
time? No, sir. 

Where do you live now? Shall I answer that question? 
Yes, sir. I live at Kanab. 

How long have you lived there ? About four months. 

Where had you been living before that, since you lived at 
Fort Johnson? After the massacre how long did you live at 
Fort Johnson? I moved into the Rio Virgin in the fall of '58. 

How long did you remain there? Well, I can count up in a 
minute — I lived there ten or twelve years. 

Then where did you move to? I moved to the Sevier. And 
from there to Kanab, where you live now? Yes, sir. 

You say you saw a lot of the wagons at Harmony afterward ? 
I will not swear to but one. 

Did you ever see any of the wagons at any other place — did 
you not see some of them at Cedar City? Yes, sir. 

Where were they in Cedar City? They were at Klingensmith's. 

How many did you see ? Two. 

What position did Klingensmith occupy at that time? He 
was Bishop of Cedar City Ward. 

You spoke of seeing some cattle on the Harmony range. Did 
you ever see any of those cattle on any other range? They were 
running about Harmon}'' and Kanab. 

Who had possession or control of them? I can't tell you. 

Do you know how they .were branded after that? No, sir. 

How did you recognize them? I recognized them by the 
brand that was on them of " S." 

Did you notice that they were branded with a " B " the first 
time you saw them? Yes, and they were a different kind of 
stock; they, were Texas cattle, a good many of them Texas 
cattle with long broad horns. There were none in the country 
that I ever saw until I saw those. 

Go on again and tell us just exactly what you saw John D. 
Lee do ; tell me all that you saw him do. I want you to make 
it just as full and bad as you can. I have told you what I saw. 

Tell it to me again. I told you that I saw him fire a gun, 
and saw a person fall. 

Go on and give it all just as you saw it; the whole things 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 353 

And then after that I saw him and the Indians pulling people 
out of the wagons. 

What else ? That is what I told you before. 

I cannot help that, I am now asking you to tell what you 
know. That is what I did see. 

Is that all you saw? Yes, sir. 

You know the parties had their throats cut, I suppose ? No, 
sir. You went down and looked at the bodies afterwards? No, 
sir, I did not ; I did not want to. 

Then it is only a supposition, that the parties' throats were cut? 
That is all. 

Did you ever go back to see if those persons were dead or 
not? No, sir, I did not; I saw them lying there after the 
wagons had driven away. 

Do you know whether they were dead or not, of your own 
knowledge? No, sir, I do not. I saw persons lying on the 
ground dead, back below where the troops were. 

How far from you ? I went to them. 

Then you did go back?i Were they men that Lee killed, or 
were they men killed by Klingensmith's men, where he and 
Higbee were? They were down where KUngensmith and Higbee 
were. 

Then you did go down to that place ? Yes, sir ; Joha D. Lee 
sent me down to the wagons, that were down below, to keep the 
Indians from taking the things out of the wagons. 

How did he get you there ? He told me to go, and I went. 

Did you ride down to him after this kiUing was over? I went 
over to where KUngensmith was and Lee came down ; he sent me 
down there to the wagons. 

What did he say when he told you to go back? He told me 
that he wanted me to go down to the wagons of the emigrants 
and keep the Indians from taking the things out. 

How long did you stay there? I sta3^ed there till John D. Lee 
and Isaac C. Haight came down. 

Are you certain that Lee came back? Yes, sir. 

Don't you know as a matter of fact that Lee went on to Hamb- 
lin's ranch? I stayed there at the wagons until after he came 
back from Hamblin's ranch. 

How long did you stay there? I can't tell you. 

Did you sleep there in the field that night with White, Klin- 
23 



354 MOBMOXISM UNVEILED. 

gensmith aud others? I think likely I did. I stayed there until 
John D. Lee and Isaac C. Haight came down. 

Don't you know you stayed there that night, and until the 
wagons were moved away? I think I did. 

Don't you know that you did? Yes, sir, I do. 

Who took those wagons away — who ordered the hitching up 
of the oxen and taking away of the wagons? I don't know. 

Was it Klingensmith? No, sir; he did not. 

Did John D. Lee? No, sir. I don't know. 

Didn't you help drive the stock? I went with them around to 
the Iron Springs. 

Who helped take the wagons down there — can't you give me 
the names of a few of them? Witness refused to answer. 

How many whites did you see on the Mountain Meadows, at 
the time of the massacre? I did not count them. 

About how many? There was a considerable number, as 
many as forty or fifty. 

How far were they from where you kept watch at the wagons ? 
About half a mile. 

Half a mile from the emigrants' wagons? Yes, sir; about 
that far. 

Who kept watch with you that night at the emigrant camp, to 
keep the Indians from stealing? I don't want to bring in new 
7iames. 

I see you do not — except Lee's — how is that? I have men- 
tioned a good many names. 

You have been sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth ; and I want you to tell me the names of 
those men. Well, a man named lire was with me. 

What was his full name ? John Ure. 

How old was he? I can't tell. 

Was he a man grown? Yes, sir. 

Is he living or dead? He is alive. 

How long was it after you went there to keep the Indians from 
stealing that these other parties came to you? I don't recollect 
Of any coming until John D. Lee and Isaac C. Haight came. 

Next day? Yes, sir. 

Did you succeed in keeping the Indians from stealing there ? 
They had taken a good deal before I went there. After I went 
they didn't. 

You had considerable control over the Indians when you got 



TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 355 

there. They knew you, and you could talk their language, 
and when you told them to do anything they would do it? Some 
of them would, and some wouldn't. 

They all agreed to quit stealing, didn't they? No, sir. 

How did you keep them from stealing, then? I didn't. 

What did they steal after you got there? I can't tell you. 

Did they steal anything — you know whether they did or not? 
The Indians were at the wagons when I arrived and had taken 
out a good deal of stuff. 

What did they do after you arrived ? They took off what 
they wanted. 

Did they stop stealing when you told them to? Not al- 
together. 

What did they take away? Bedding and blankets. 

Isn't it a fact that they took just what they wanted, and that 
you did not stop them from stealing? I did stop some of them. 

Well, didn't they carry ofi' all they wanted? They didn't 
carry it all away, but they did a good part of it. 

How many did you keep from stealing? Five or six. 

How many Indians were there that you could not stop ; how 
many were there around the wagons? There was quite a lot that 
went away with their goods. 

Fifty, seventy-five, or one hundred? Not that many. 

How many did you see that day altogether? There was a 
great number — over a hundred — there was a great number of 
them took horses and started off. 

Where did they get the horses ? From around that section of 
€Ountry. 

Emigrants' horses, I suppose? Yes, sir. 

About how many horses did the emigrants have there? I can't 
tell you. 

Didn't you see the herd? I saw the Indians with horses that 
they said they got there, but I did not see the herd of stock until 
it was started to the Iron Springs. I only came there the night 
before. 

Did you do anything toward burying the dead after the mas- 
sacre? No, sir. 

Then you did not help do that? No, sir. 

Were you there at the time it was being done ? I saw men 
there working at it from where I was at the camp. They com- 
menced burying the dead right off. 



356 M0BM0NIS3I UNVEILED. 

The same evening of the massacre? Well, sir, I can't tell you. 

You cannot tell whether it was the same night or the next 
morning? I cannot. 

What number of men went from there to the Iron Springs with 
you? There were some ten or twelve went along. I went on 
afterward. I bad my horse. I rode my horse. 

Give me the names of as many as you can that went with you 
from the Meadows to the Iron Springs the day afterward. I 
can't. I don't know as I can give the names. 

If you say you cannot give the names, I will not press it. 
Well, I say I cannot. 

You say you cannot recollect any of the names of those who 
helped drive the stock? No, sir, I can't. 

Who had charge of property as it was driven to the springs? 
That I cannot tell. 

What was Klingensmith doing there? I don't know. I don't 
recollect seeing^ him alono^. 

When did j^ou last see Higbee there on the field? Did you 
see him after the massacre ? Yes, sir. 

Did you see him the day after the massacre? I can't tell 
whether I did or not. 

Were you present at any council that was held there on the 
field previous to the massacre, and hear any agreement as to the 
killing of the emigrants or anything of that sort? No, sir, I 
didn't. 

You did not hear that anybody was to be killed until yoa 
heard the shooting? Yes, sir. 

When? When I started after my horse I heard that the peo- 
ple were to be killed. 

Who told you? John D. Lee told me. 

I thought you said he had left you ? He talked of it before 
he went to the camp. 

Just before that, then? Yes, sir. 

I wish to get at all this, because I want you to tell everything 
that John D. Lee did. Tell me what he said to you about it? 
He was talking to the men about getting the men out of their 
fortification. 

Was this after the flag of truce had been sent? No, sir, be- 
fore that. 

Who was Lee talking to? Klingensmith, Higbee and others* 

Who were the others? I can't tell you. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 357 

How many others? There was quite a lot of men. 
Thirty or forty? I should judge there were. 

Did you hear Higbee say anything? Higbee may have talked. 

Did any person make any objection to the killing of the emi- 
grants? It is a thing, sir, that I don't hke to answer. 

I wish you to answer my question. Did any man or men, 
person or persons, there on the ground, make an objection to 
the killing of all the emigrants? Yes, sir, a good many objected. 
But they didn't dare to say anything. 

How do you know they objected ? They dare not speak about 
it to those men. 

Did they speak up at the Council and make objections? I 
was not at the Council. 

Did any one of that thirty or forty men raise a voice against 
the killing of the emigrants, at the Council, on the field, or in 
the presence of Lee, Higbee or Klingensmith, or any one else? 
No, sir, they did not. 

What did John D. Lee say about it in the presence of Haight 
and Higbee? He said we must get them out of there. 

Who was he talking to then ? Higbee and the others. 

Were they talking the matter over? Yes, sir. 

Tell me what was said? I can't recollect. 

Do you recollect what Haight said? Haight was not there. 

Then how was it that Lee was talking to Haight and Higbee 
if Haight was not there? It was Higbee and KUngensmith he 
was talking to. 

What was it that Klingensmith said about killing the emi- 
grants? I can't tell. 

Then you cannot recollect what any one said or did except 
John D. Lee ? No, because John D. Lee was the most con- 
spicuous man in the whole thing. 

Klingensmith, the Bishop of the Church at Cedar City, Haight 
and Higbee, as Majors in the militia, all stood back and gave 
John D. Lee full control, did they? He had control of every- 
thing on the field. He acted like a man that had control. 

Did he not have control? I can't say. 

Did you not think at the time that John D. Lee had full con- 
trol of everything and of every person there ? He acted like it. 

Whiit do you believe al)out it? No answer. 

Haight ordered you to go there? Yes, and when I got there 
I went to Lee ; that was the instruction. 



358 3I0BM0mSM UNVEILED. 

And you stayed by him and obeyed all of his orders? No^ 
sir, he wanted me to talk to the Indians in a way I didn't 
want to. 

Tell me how he wanted you to talk to the Indians? He 
wanted me to tell them that they would get the emigrants out 
some way, so they could get their guns and horses. 

You refused to tell the Indians that, did you? Well, I talked 
to them some. 

Did you tell them that or not? I don't wish to answer that. 

Court. — You need not tell anything to criminate yourself. 

Bishop. — Can you tell me anything besides that, that j^ou 
heard John D. Lee say? No, sir, I cannot. That is all I 
recollect. 

What time of day was that, when Lee said, "We must get 
them out some way?" It was in the fore-part of the day. 

Who was in hearing distance when Lee said that? I decline 
to answer. 

Howard. — You don't decline because it would criminate youy 
do you? No, sir. 

Then you cannot decline. 

Bishop. — Tell me who was present, and heard that statement 
of Lee's? I can't tell — there was a lot of them there. 

After you arrived at Iron Springs, did you and those with you 
talk the matter over and agree to keep it a secret? The matter 
was talked over at the camp, and again at the Springs, about 
keeping it a secret, but I can't tell what the agreement was that 
was come to. 

Was the subject talked over as to whether it should be talked 
over afterwards or not? I don't recollect. 

After that did you talk it over with those who were engaged 
in the alfair with you, in which conversation you learned it was 
best to keep silent concerning the whole thing ? It was talked 
of that way — that it was best to keep still. 

What reasons were given, why it was best to keep still? I 
can't tell you. 

Do you know what the reasons were, or do you decline to 
answer? Is it because you forget, or wh}^ can't you tell me? 
It was because they didn't want it to be known — those men who 
were in it ; the leaders in it didn't want it to get out. 

I asked you whether you ever had any conversation with any 
one in regard to it? I can't tell you whether I had or not. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 359 

Of course such a thing as that men would talk about. That's 
what the matter now. It has been talked about and can't lie 
still. 

Did you ever have a conversation with Haight about this mas- 
sacre since it occurred ? Not that I know of. 

Did you ever have a conversation with Stewart? No, sir. 

Did you ever have one with Higbee about keeping it still ? 
Not that I know of. 

Did you ever talk with Allen, Klingensmith or any other 
party that was there, ^ about keeping it still? I tell you I don't 
recollect having a conversation about keeping it still. Such a 
thing was talked about, but I don't now recollect talking 
about it. 

Did you hear either of those men talk about it, about keeping 
it secret? No answer. 

Is it not a fact that after the property was all gathered up at 
the Meadows, and you were ready to start for Iron Springs, that 
speeches were made to the men present, by those in authority, 
in which speeches you were ordered to keep it a secret forever? 
There were a great many speeches made. 

At the Meadows, before you left there, was it not told you in 
a speech then made to you, that it must be kept secret ; that it 
would be best to keep silent? Were you not so advised by 
your leaders? Yes, sir. 

Who gave that advice? Who ordered you to keep silent? 
Klingensmith and Haight gave the advice. 

The cross-examination was continued at great length, but the 
witness could not, or would not recollect anything except what 
he had been advised by his priestly rulers to swear to. Nephi 
Johnson is a fair sample of the willing tools who commit 
crimes for Christ's sake, and swear falsely for their oivn sake. I 
have given sufficient of his evidence to prove to the reader, that 
Nephi Johnson has not told the whole truth ; he has only told 
what the Church leaders thought sufficient to convict Lee, and 
kept back every thing that would lead to the conviction of the 
other murdering wretches, who still adhere to the Mormon faith, 
and skulk in their hiding places, far from the haunts of law- 
abiding citizens. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

TRIAL OF LEE CONTINUED. 
JACOB HAMBLIN 

Sworn for the prosecution. 

Howard — Where did you Uve in August and September, 
1857? My home was supposed to be at Clara, but I occupied 
the Mountain Meadows in the Summer with my stock. 

"What county was Mountain Meadows in at that time ? It was 
considered in Iron County. It was before Washington County 
was organized. 

It is in Washington County now? Yes ; I believe it is. 

Do you remember the time of this massacre ? I was not at 
home ; I left before it happened, and I got back seven or eight 
days after. 

How long before it happened was it that you left home ? I 
don't know ; I met the company at Corn Creek, and camped 
with them there. 

You were going north, to the city? Yes. 

When you returned had the massacre taken place ? Yes, sir ; 
it was done before I got home — I heard of it before I got home. 

When you got home, what did you find there on the ground? 
Well, there were the bodies of the company lying about there. 

Were they dead or alive? I didn't see any live ones lying 
there. 

How many dead ones did you see? I suppose over one 
hundred. 

Did you count the skulls there ? The next Spring, I took my 
man and we buried over one hundred and twenty skulls — 
skeletons; I don't remember exactly, something like one 
hundred and twenty. Two of us gathered up the bones. 

Did you count the skulls ? Yes, sir ; we counted them. 
360 



TEIAL OF JOIIX D. LEE. 3G1 

Can you now remember how many there were? I think it 
was one hundred and twenty odd ; I am satisfied it was over 
that, but I don't just remember the number. 

After the massacre did you have any conversation with John 
D. Lee about it? I don't know as I did after I got home. 

Did you see him before you got home on that trip? I did. I 
met liim at Fillmore. 

Was that after the massacre? Yes, sir; it was this side of 
Fillmore. I told him I heard a rumor of it among the Indians, 
and he told me about it. 

State whether he had any boasts to make about it, or com- 
munications concerning it. If so what and how ? I asked him 
how it came up, or something of that kind. He said that the 
emigrants passed through and threatened to make their outfit 
out of those outlying settlements, and that he could not keep the 
Indians back, and he had to go and lead the next attack, and he 
got a bullet-hole through his hat and shirt, and then afterwards 
got more Indians and had to decoy them out. 

Tell me the whole conversation? I will if you will let me. 
That was the conversation. I talked about it with him, and he 
justified himself in this way : That the Indians made him go 
out and go and lead the next attack ; afterwards they called on 
the Clara Indians, and that he decoyed them out, and they 
massacred them. 

Did he say where he decoyed them out? Decoyed them out 
of the emigrant camp. ' Did he say why the massacre took place? 
Yes, I believe he gave reasons for it. 

What were they? Well, that the attack had been made by 
the Indians, and that they could not keep them back, and it was 
supposed expedient. That there was an army right on our 
border. That they would lead to giving the people much bother 
and trouble, and that they would testify against them, and so on, 
and it was thought best to use them up — all that could tell tales, 
that is as near as I can remember. 

Who did he say concluded that? I don't think he mentioned 
any names. 

Did he tell you whether any other white men vrere with him 
or not at the time he led the attack? He said that there was no 
one with him. 

Did he tell you how it happened that he got down there and 
was there alone ? Yes ; I told you. He went out to watch them 



362 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

and keep them from making their outfit from the outlying set- 
tlements, and the Indians could not be restrained. 

How long did he say that attack was made before the massa- 
cre? It ran along three or four days, he told me. 

Cross-Examined — In the conversation that you had with Lee, 
did he not state to you that after the attack had been made by 
the Indians upon the emigrants, that word had been sent to Ce- 
dar City for assistance to save the emigrants from the Indians? 
Yes, sir — said they sent word there. 

Who did he tell you sent word to Cedar City? He did — he 
sent word. 

What did he tell you that word was that he sent to Cedar City? 
He sent word that the emigrants had been attacked — that the 
Indians were very mad, and he didn't know how to keep them 
down. 

Give, as near as you can, the conversation that you had with 
Mr. Lee at the time you refer to? I believe I have. 

Didn't he tell you that Haight or Higbee sent back word that 
the emigrants must be destroyed, because of the fact that Stew- 
art had killed Aiden at the Springs? Didn't he mention some- 
thing of that kind to you in that same conversation? I don't 
remember as he did. He spoke of some man being shot at Lit- 
tle Pinto in the course of the evening. It w^as after the Indians 
had attacked, if I remember right, that some men left the camp 
and undertook to go to Cedar City, and were killed on the way 
— one or two I think, and one or two came back. 

Go on and tell all that he told you about it, about the killing 
of that man at Pinto — how it was done, and all about it. I 
don't know that I can. I remember that he said that there w^as 
one killed there that went out to see if they could get help from 
Cedar City. Two or three went, and one was killed and one or 
two came back in the night. I don't know but that they got 
back to camp. 

Did he tell you what word was sent back to him from Cedar 
City after that time ? Yes ; he told me something about the 
message that came there. 

Tell me what was said about it? One message came to not 
disturb the emigrants, and after the message went that they had 
been attacked, I think he said that there was one that they be 
all killed or used up. 

Go on and tell what he said was in that last message — he was 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 363 

explaining it to you ? I am satisfied the message was — it com- 
menced that they should be used up, or something like that. 

Did he tell you who that message was from? I don't think 
he did. 

Did he tell you where it was from, whether from Cedar City 
or elsewhere ? No, he used the language that he got word. 

Re-Direct. 

Do you believe what he said, that he got a message to use up 
those emigrants, from any authority? I don't know that I do. 

Don't you know that he lied about it? No answer. 

Don't you think he did? No answer. 

He was telling you this in justification after the massacre? 
Yes, he told me that. I asked what called for such an act, and 
he told what the reason was. 

He gave you that reply in his justification? He said he got 
word to use them up, that this army was on the borders. 

He got word that being commenced, that on account of the 
army being on the borders, that he had better finish it? Yes. 

Did you understand that that came from Higbee or Haight — 
that word? I don't think he said. 

Do you know the relations existing between Higbee, Haight 
and Lee, so as to know from whom it came? I would expect it 
would come from Isaac C. Haight, if any word was sent from 
Cedar City ; if it was north, it would be from Parowan, but I 
don't think he told me where it was from. 

Klingensmith was in a position, I suppose, to send such word, 
if any was sent? Klingensmith was presiding Bishop. If it was 
orders in a military capacity it would be somebody else. 

If it was in a military capacity, who would it have been from? 
The way I understand it, it would be Dame. 

If he told the truth, and authority came to him from a superior 
military officer — and if it came from an ecclesiastical, who would 
it have been from? It would have been from KUngeusmith. 

JACOB HAMBLIN. 

Re-called. 

Howard — I am not in the habit, your Honor, of recalling a 
witness this way, but I was not fully posted in regard to all the 
facts that Mr. Hamblin would testify to. I have found he knows 
some additional facts, and I will ask leave to examine him 
further. 

How far above this place, Beaver, was it that you had a con- 



3G4 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

versation with John D. Lee? It was about some springs, this 
side of Fillmore, probably seven or eight miles. 

How far is Fillmore from here ? About sixty miles. 

How far is Cedar City from here ? Supposed to be fifty-five 
miles — fifty-three to fifty-five miles. 

Is there any other place called Cedar City, except Cedar City? 
No, sir, I don't know any. It is called Cedar or Cedar City. 

How far is it from Cedar City to Parowan? Eighteen miles, I 
used to suppose it was. I have heard it called that. 

How far is it from Parowan to Harmony ? About thirty-five 
miles, it is supposed to be. 

Is Harmony on the road, or is it off of the road from Cedar 
City to the Meadows? It is twelve miles south of the road. 

Where do you leave the road going from Parowan to the 
Meadows, to go to Harmony? We leave it two and a half miles 
below Cedar City. 

Then it is off to the left as you are going? Yes, sir. 

Where is Pinto? It would be within seven miles of the north 
end of the Meadows, where my ranch was. What was the con- 
dition of the Meadows at that time, with regard to being a good 
stopping-place for travelers? At that time it had a very luxu- 
riant growth of grass all over the valley, and springs at each 
end. It was considered a good stopping-place for companies, 
and was occupied by myself and two or three others at the north 
end. We had then formed a settlement called the Clara. 

In this conversation that you had with Mr. Lee, did he say 
anything to you about the manner in which, or by whom, the 
men had been drawn into that massacre? If he did, will you 
state all he said, in your own way? It was a long while ago, 
but I recollect him telling me that there were white men there, 
and that they didn't know what they were going for until they 
got there, and some would not act and some would. 

What do you know about the disposition of the property of 
those emigrants? There was none on the Meadows when I got 
there, that I saw. I saw two or three young men driving two 
or three hundred head of cattle, going to the Iron Springs. 
Afterwards I saw them on the Harmony range — that drove of 
Texas cattle. 

Whose range was the Harmony range? It belonged to the 
Harmony settlement — the citizens of Harmony. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE, 365 

Do 3^ou know of Mr. Lee using any of those cattle, butchering 
or using any of them? He had charge of them. 

Bishop — To save time and trouble, we will admit the corpus 
delicti. Of course it is understood that counsel cannot admit 
anything against his client in a criminal case. But there will be 
no question raised about it. It is an undisputed fact that some- 
thing like one hundred and twenty people were killed about that 
time and at that place. And that the number of people charged 
in the indictment were killed there will be no question. That 
they were killed at that place there will be no question. We 
will never argue before any court that there has not been a kill- 
ing as charged in the indictment, except that we will always 
argue that the defendant did not do it. 

Calling your attention back to that conversation, I will ask 
you to tell the court and jury, in your own way, what Mr. Lee 
told you in regard to his personal participation in that killing, if 
he told you anything? Well, I believe I told it here yesterday 
— that he spoke of white men being engaged in it, and that he 
made an attack at daylight ; that he could not keep the Indians 
back. They were so mad because one of their men got killed, 
and another wounded, that he led the attack and got a bullet 
through his hat and another through his shirt. The talk was 
something like this: They went out there to watch the emigrants 
and see that they should not get their outfit from the outlying 
settlements ; that the Indians made the attack at daylight, and 
one of them got killed and another wounded, and that raised 
their temper to such a pitch that they went for him and com- 
pelled him to lead the attack, which he did once or twice — once 
anyway — and got the bullet through his hat and one through his 
shirt. The emigrants were so strongly entrenched they could 
do nothing with them. And afterwards they were under the 
necessity of decoying them out with a flag of truce. And they 
came along in the Meadows to where the Indians were lying in 
ambush, and they rose up and massacred them. The emigrants 
were unarmed. 

Tell what else he told you? Well, he spoke of many little in- 
cidents. 

Mention any of those incidents? There were two young 
ladies brought out. 

Whom by? By an Indian Chief at Cedar City, and he asked 



.3GG M0BM0NI8M UNVEILED. 

him what he should do with them, and the Indian killed one and 
Jie killed the other. 

Tell the story as he told you. That is about it. 

"Where were those young girls brought from — did he say? 
From a thicket of oak brush, where they were concealed. It 
was an Indian Chief from Cedar City. 

Tell just what he said about that. The Indian killed one and 
he cut the other one's throat, is what he said. 

Who cut the other's throat? Mr. Lee. 

Tell me what Mr. Lee said ; state the circumstances of that 
killing, what conversation passed between that Indian Chief and 
Lee, and the conversation between the woman and himself? I 
don't knov/ that I could. 

Tell all 3^ou can remember about it; you say the Chief 
brought him the girls. I think I have told it about all. 

Go over it again ; tell us all the details of the conversation of 
the killing. Well, he said they were all killed — all, as he sup- 
posed ; that the Chief of Cedar City then brought out the young 
ladies. 

What did he say the Chief said to him? Asked what he should 
do with them. 

What else did the Chief say? He said they didn't ought to be 
killed. 

Did the Chief say to Lee why they should not be killed? Well, 
be said they were pretty and he wanted to save them. 

What did he tell you that he said to the Chief? According to 
the orders that he had that they were too old and too big to let 
live. 

Then what did he say took place — what did he say he told the 
Chief to do? The Chief shot one of them. Did he sa}^ he told 
the Chief to shoot her? He said he told him to. 

What did he say the girl did when he told the Chief to shoot 
her? I don't know. 

Did she cover her face? No; he didn't say she covered her 
face. 

Did he say she pulled her bonnet down over her face? He 
didn't tell me so. 

Who did he say were by when that shooting took place? In- 
dians standing round — a good many. 

After the Chief shot that one did he tell you what the other 
one said or did to him, Lee? I don't think Mr. Lee did tell me. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 367 

Did he tell you himself who killed the other one? I told you 
that he said it was a Cedar City Chief that killed oue. 

Who killed the other? He did it, he said. 

How? He threw her down and cut her throat. 

Did he tell you what she said to him? No. 

Who did tell you that? The Indians told me a good many 
things. 

Didn't Mr. Lee tell you that she told him to spare her life, 
and she would love him as long as she lived? Lee didn't tell 
me that. 

Did you ascertain in that conversation, or subsequently, 
where it was that they were killed? When I got home I asked 
my Indian bo}^ and he went out to where this took place, and 
lie saw two young ladies lying there with their throats cut. 

How old was he? Sixteen or seventeen. 

What was the condition of those bodies? They were rather 
in a putrid state ; their throats were cut ; I didn't look further 
than that. 

What were their ages? Looked about fourteen or fifteen. At 
what point were their bodies from the others? South-east 
direction, towards some thickets of oak. How far off? About 
fifty yards. 

Were those bodies up a little ravine, a little way? Yes, on 
a rise of ground. 

What were their ages, about? Thirteen to fifteen, I would 
suppose. 

Did you learn from the children, or from any other source, 
their names? Well, I suppose I did. 

What name? There was a little girl at my house, I found 
with my family that was in that company ; she said their names 
were Dunlap ; she claimed to be their sister. 

How old was she? Eight years old,. she said. 

Did yQu go up there and find those bodies yourself, with the 
assistance of the Indian boy? I walked over the ground, 
looked at it all pretty much and saw these two bodies. 

He told you where those two bodies were to be found, did he? 
Yes, sir. The others had been buried shghtly, but those two 
hadn't been; there was quite a number scattering around tliere. 

What became of the children of those emigrants? How many 
children were brought there? Two to my house, and several in 
Cedar City. I was acting sub-agent for Forney. I gathered 



3G8 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

the children up for him ; seventeen in number, all I could learn 
of. 

Whom did j^ou deliver them to? Forne}^, Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs for Utah. 

Were there any of the wagons or other property burned there 
on the ground? I never saw any sign of burning, and never 
heard of any being burned. 

Cross-Examined — Bishop: What day in September was it 
that you had this conversation with John D. Lee, about seven 
or eight miles this side of Fillmore? I don't recollect the date, 
I left the city about the 14th, and came directly there. 

Who was present at that conversation ? A man by the name 
of Bishop. 

That was not me? No; that man had two good eyes, and 
you have but one. 

What Bishop was that, was he a Mormon Bishop? No, he 
was not a Mormon Bishop ; he was a merchant. He had been 
hauling goods from California, and dealing here some in these 
settlements. 

Can you give me his other name ? No, sir ; I never heard it. 

Was it Jesse Bishop? I don't know his other name. 

Lee told you and this man Bishop all about it — got you two 
together and told you? I don't think Bishop heard the conver- 
sation, or much of it. < 

Did Bishop hear any of it? I don't know that he did, or that 
he didn't. 

Then why did you say that he told you and this man Bishop? 
I said he was there. 

You heard the conversation? Yes, I heard it; but I don't 
know as any other man heard it. 

There was a man present by the name of Bishop? He w^as in 
the same camp. 

Where were you at the time this conversation took place? 
I was five or six miles this side of Fillmore, at the Springs. 

What time of day was it? It was afternoon sometime. 

Which way was John D. Lee traveling at the time you saw 
him? Going north, to the city. 

You were going South? Yes, sir. 

Tell me what he said about the orders that he had. You 
have said that he told the Chief to kill the little girl, and that he 
killed the other, because his orders were that they were all to 



TIIIAL OF JOim D. LEE. 369 

be used up. He said he had orders to use up all that compauy 
that could tell tales. 

Where did he get these orders from? Did he tell you that? 
I told you no, that I don't remember that he did. 

Do you recollect that he didn't? If he did I don't recollect it. 

I want to get as full a statement of facts as possible. I want 
you to tell me everything that you think he said, or that he did 
say. When did he tell you that he got those orders from Cedar 
City? It was my impression that he got them from Cedar City, 
but I could not say what the man said about it, but I had that 
idea. 

Who else did he tell you was on the ground aiding in this 
killing? The names I don't know as he mentioned. I think 
he mentioned Bishop Klingensmith being there. 

Who else? He mentioned Higbee being there. 

Who else did he mention? He mentioned my brother being 
there, bringing some Indians there. He sent him word to bring 
the Indians up there. Sent him word of this affair taking place, 
and for him to go and get the Indians, and bring up the Clara 
Indians. 

Your brother, then, brought the Indians to the Meadows, and 
then left there? Yes, he told me so. 

Now, how was it about the Indians making an attack about 
daylight? Were they repulsed? Yes. 

One killed and another wounded ? Yes, sir. 

That enraged the Indians, and so Lee led the next attack? 
Yes, sir. 

Who do you mean were so enraged — the Indians? Yes, the 
Indians. He claimed the idea that he had to do it to save his 
own hfe. They were very mad, and wanted him to help use up 
that company. 

Did he not tell you in that same conversation that he tried to 
appease the Indians and keep them from attacking the train? 
I don't remember just the words, but he said he could not 
keep them from attacking them just at daylight. 

Didn't he tell you that he tried to keep them off? I don't 
think so. I think he said he could not keep them off. 

Did he say anything about the Indians calling him any names 
because he would not go ? He went off towards the Clara and 
cried, and they called him crier — yah gauts. 

Why did they call him this ? Because he cried. 
24 



370 M0BM0mS3I UNVEILED. 

That was before he led the attack? I don't know. 

Are you positive that he told you that he cut that woman's 
throat? Yes, I am positive of that, or I would not have told it. 

How long is it since you have told anybody that John D. Lee 
had told you that? It has been about three seconds. 

Where have you lived since the Mountain Meadows Massacre? 
My family has been at the Clara the most of the time ; the 
last six years have been at Kanab. 

You have lived in Utah all that time ? My home has been in 
Utah. 

That has been your home ? M}^ home has been in Utah. 

Didn't Lee tell you more than you have told? Didn't he tell 
you about a council that was held on the field before the massa- 
cre? He told me. We had a good deal of conversation about it. 

Tell me if he did not inform you that a council was held on 
the field, on Mountain Meadows, by the people from Cedar City, 
before the massacre, and that he opposed the killing of the emi- 
grants until he found that he could do no good ? After we had 
talked some time I asked the necessity of such a thing, or why 
it was, and he told me that he had orders to do so. 

Did he not tell you that there was a council held there at the 
Meadows, and that it was then decided that they should be 
killed? No, I never heard that there was a«council held there 
to make any decision, or to decide anything but the subject or 
counseling how to decoy them out. 

Who counseled with them? There was Klingensmith, the 
Bishop of Cedar City. 

Who else counseled with him? I think he said John M. Hig- 
bee. I am satisfied it was. 

Did he tell you how long before the massacre it was that they 
talked this over? I don't think that he did. 

You were a sub-agent and Indian interpreter at that time, were 
you not? Right away after that Forney appointed me as sub- 
agent. At that time I was no agent, nor in fxny particular oflfice, 
unless a missionary in the south country to establish some settle- 
ments on the Clara. 

What reason did Lee give you in that conversation for the 
kilUng of the emigrants? He must have given you some reason 
why it was necessary to commit such a deed ? I asked what 
called for it, why they did it. He said that attack at daylight 
would have thrown censure upon this people. 



TBIxiL OF JOHiSr D. LEE, 371 

On what people? The people that were living here. 

Do you mean the whites that were living here at the time? 
Yes, sir. 

Go on and tell all he said. I want you to make it as bad as 
you can — tell all that you said, all that he said? I would not 
undertake that. 

Tell all that you can recollect? I have, the substance of it? 

There must have been a good deal said about the reasons for 
doing this thing? The cause that he always gave to me was that 
which I told you. That after they came through there and be- 
haved very rough, and said that they helped kill old Joe Smith, 
and were going to be ready there at the Meadows when their 
teams got recruited, and when Johnston commenced on the 
north end, they would on the south end, and he was asked b}^ 
authority — Haight or Dame — to go and watch those emigrants 
and see that they didn't molest those weak settlements. When 
I asked him what it was for — that in doing so, when they got 
there the Indians made this attack at daylight. 

The Indians then made the first attack? He said they made 
it A^oluntarily — they made the first attack. 

You spoke of General Johnston's army marching towards 
Utah. Where was it? At Fort Bridger then. 

Who was it understood that Johnston was understood to be 
marching against them? The understanding and feeling was 
that he was marching against the Mormons as a people. Church 
•or nation, and was going to try to burst up the whole concern. 
That was what we expected. 

You expected, then, that Johnston with the army of the United 
.States, was leading that army against this people? Yes, sir. 

With the intention of exterminating them or compelling them 
to abandon their religion ? Yes, sir, that was my belief — to do 
away with the Mormon religion. 

How long before that had it been that this same feeling of 
fear or anxiety had been felt by this people, occasioned by 
Johnston's approach? I think it had been two or three months, 
it had come south at the time. I think it was the 24th of July 
when a celebration was held in one of the canyons, that word 
came that Johnston was on his way. 

After that 24th of July, did that report have any efi'ect on 
this people to cause them to organize as a military people? 



372 MORMONISM UNVEILED. 

No, that was organized before that, as far as I knew and was- 
acquainted with the counsel. 

From that time on up to the time of the Mountain Meadows 
Massacre, tell me if the people were organized as a militia, and 
enrolled as such? The instructions we had from George A. 
Smith, who was sent as representing President Young's mind,, 
was to save everything like breadstuff, and use it when we 
wanted it. 

Did the people ever meet and drill, have exercises and mus- 
ters, so as to make them understand the use of arms, and make 
them familiar with militar}^ tactics? Yes, sir, there used to be 
drills, sometimes, those days. 

Was it not a general occurrence for them to meet and drill? 
Yes, they drilled at Fillmore and Cedar — I don't know about 
Harmony — using as much effort as possible to perfect themselves 
in military tactics. They were always doing that ; they did that 
in Illinois. 

Did you not understand that all the men between eighteen 
and sixty 3^ears of age were enrolled in the militia? Yes, I 
understood it so. 

Who was the highest military officer in this division? William 
H. Dame was first in command in the southern country. He 
was Colonel of the Iron Militia, as I understood it. I was out a 
good deal. 

Who was the highest military officer at Cedar City? Well,, 
that I could not testify to, but I think it was Isaac C. Haight, 
but I would not testify to it, because I don't know. 

State if you know whether John M. Higbee belonged to the 
militia or not? Well, he belonged to the militia, but whether 
as private or officer, I don't know. 

How many men did John D. Lee tell you had gone from 
Cedar City to the Mountain Meadows, and that were present at 
the time of the Massacre? Well, if he told me I have forgotten. 

Did you ever have a conversation with him, or with any other 
person, as to how many or about how many were there ? No, I 
don't know that I had. I heard there was something like fifty 
in all from Cedar City and from below there, but that is nothing 
but an idea — not founded on fact — as reports. 

You spoke about Lee telling yo\x that there was a necessity 
for killing those young girls, because they were older than those 
that his orders permitted him to save. State now if he did not 



^ TBIAL OF JOHX D. LEE. 373 

tell you in that conversation some reason for the killing of the 
grown people. The reason was what I told you. 

Did he not say that if they were permitted to go they would 
tell the tale in California, about what had been done there b}^ the 
Mormons? His talk was and his excuses were that it would be 
a bad thing for the people here in Utah, if it was known, and got 
out in such a troublous time. It would bring much trouble on 
the Mormons as a people. 

Was not that trouble to come from their notifying the people 
of California of what had been done? Well, yes. When I 
interrogated him about that he said — I think he said — it would 
have a tendency to bring trouble from California. 

Did he not tell you that that was the understanding of the 
people, that if they were permitted to go, that it would call an 
army from the south, and that was the reason these instructions 
were sent as they were? He didn't say anything about the 
people. 

Did he not tell you why the instructions came to him ns they 
•did ? He did not tell who it came from, he said he did it by 
authority. 

Did he not tell you that he did it by authority and the reason 
that authority gave was that these parties, if permitted to go, 
would raise a war cloud in California? I don't know as he did. 
He said it would lead to bringing an army down upon us ; that 
is what he told me. 

Did he tell you anything further? I think I have told you all 
that was important that John D. Lee said. 

Did not John D. Lee tell 3^ou in that same conversation, that 
:after the Indians made the attack the first time, that one or more 
men started from the emigrant camp for Cedar City, and met 
some men going to the emigrant camp from Cedar City ; that 
they met at the springs, and that then Young Aiden was killed 
by WiUiam C. Stewart? He gave me an account of it. 

Tell me what he said about it? I can't do that. 

Then give the substance of it. It would be from memory, and 
there might be an error in it. He tohl me — he spoke of three 
men starting back to go to Cedar City to get assistance and to 
give information of what was going on after the first Indian at- 
tack. During that time there were three men went out in the 
night, and one was killed at Little Pinto, four miles this side of 
the Meadows. I don't know who he said killed them. I don't 



374 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. ^ 

know as he said that he knew. I think one was killed there-, 
and the other got back to their camp. They wounded one in 
the night, and the thought was this would lead to trouble if they 
were permitted to go, on account of this man being wounded 
and telling how it was done, and what had happened in the past, 
was about his language ; what had happened would lead to bring- 
ing trouble, perhaps an army on the southern people, and espe- 
cially that action at the springs, in the killing that man. 

Did Lee tell you who was at the springs at that time? No, if 
he did, I don't remember. 

Did he say this to you — that it was understood by the au- 
thorities that one man was wounded at the springs, and one man 
killed by Stewart, and if those people 'were permitted to go to 
CaUfornia they would notify the people of California that the 
whites had made an attack in conjunction with the In- 
dians ; that they would lead an army from the south and west, 
and that for safety they considered it necessary as a war meas- 
ure to kill those people ? I think he told you that, Mr. Bishop. 
I told you that when I asked him, he told me that that would 
lead to bringing an army here. I am satisfied that is what he 
said. But as to the particulars of the killing at Little Pinto I 
could not say, only that a man was killed there and one wound- 
ed, and they had got back; that the attack at daylight was the 
cause of the emigrants being killed. 

Mr. Hamblin, have you now detailed to the jury all of the 
conversation that you had with John D. Lee, at the time that 
you met him seven or eight miles this side of Fillmore? I think 
I have, that I recollect distinctly enough to mention here. I 
may think of something else. 

You say you saw some of the cattle on the Harmony range. 
How many people used that range for their cattle? I think 
something like twenty families. 

Do you know who took charge of the stock immediately after 
the massacre ? I met two young men driving it — between two 
and three hundred head. 

Who were they ? They lived at Cedar City. I did not know 
them. They said they were going to drive them to the Iron 
Springs, and then afterwards I learned that John D. Lee took 
them. 

Who were those young men ? I do not know. I was not ac- 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 375 

quainted with them. I was not much acquainted at Cedar City. 
They lived there, they said. 

How far did you live from Cedar City at that time? My fam- 
ily was then twenty-eight miles from Cedar City, at the 
Meadows. 

Did 3^ou spend any time at Cedar City soon afterwards? 
When I came through I stopped about ten minutes. I was on 
an express. 

Wliere were you carrying the express? I was going to over- 
take another company. Colonel Dame was afraid they would 
jump into them, and wanted me to go and see to it. 

Afraid who would jump into them? The Indians. 

Where did you get that express? From him. 

Where at? At Wild Cat Canyon, eight or ten miles north of 
here. 

That was when you were coming from Salt Lake ? That was. 

After you had left John D. Lee? Yes, sir. 

Who were you carrying that express to? To the Indians — if 
there were any. He said he had learned they were following up 
this company. 

What company? The company that was following up the 
company that was massacred. They were stopped here a while, 
and the Indians wounded one, or killed one, or something. 

Have you ever given this conversation that you had with Lee, 
to any one, to the public generally? J. do not ask if you have 
stated it to the counsel in the case, but to others? I have no 
recollection of it. 

Have you ever given it to any court or jury, or given a state- 
ment of it? No, sir, not at all — not until now. 

Have you ever given a report of it to any of your superiors in 
the Church, or officers over you? Well^ I did speak of it to 
President Young and George A. Smith. 

Did you give them the whole facts? I gave them some more 
-than I have here, because I recollected more of it. 

When did you do that? Pretty soon after it happened. 

You are certain you told it fuller than you have told it here 
on the stand? I told them everything I could. 

Who else did you tell it to ? I have no recollection of telUng 
it to any one else. 

Why have you not told it before this time? Because I did 
not feel like it. 



376 MORMOmSM UNVEILED, 

Why did you not feel like it? You felt and knew that a great 
crime had been committed, did you not? I felt that a great 
crime had been committed. But Brigham Young told me that 
''as soon as lue can get a court of justice, we will ferret this thing 
out, but till then don't say anything about it." 

There have been courts of justice in this Territory ever since 
that time ? I have never seen the effects of it yet. I have seen 
it tried. 

Then this is the first time you have ever felt at liberty to tell 
it? It is the first time I ever felt that any good would come of 
it. I kept it to myself until it was called for in the proper place. 

You feel now that the proper time has come? I do indeed. 

I presume you have talked it over with friends, and they ad- 
vised you that this would be a good time and place to tell it? I 
had an idea that if I came here that it would be a pretty good 
place to tell it. 

And in pursuance of that idea you are going on to tell it? 
Yes, sir. 

Are you certain that you have told all. that you know about it ? 
I am certain that I know all I tell. 

Answer the other part? I think I have, all that is important. 

Have you told it all? JSfo, sir, I Jiave not. 

Then tell it? I will not undertake that now. I would not 
like to undertake it. 

Re-Direct — Howard: How long have you known John D. 
Lee ? Between thirty and forty years. 

How long is it since Mr. Lee ceased to be so ardent in his 
feelings and religious zeal that he was willing to run the risk he 
did down there at the Mountain Meadows, to defend his 
religion? What I knew of him, he was always pretty zealous in 
what is called Mormonism— he was at that time. How is it 
now? 

Bishop — We object to the question ; it is not expected that 
a man shall be called a criminal for giving up his belief in such 
a Church. It is wholly foreign to the question at issue. Ob- 
jection sustained.* 

NEPHI JOHNSON. 

Re-called by Prosecution. 



*XoTE— To fully appreciate the evidence of this witness, Hamblin, read what Lee 
Bays about the acts of Hamblin and Nephi Johnson, in the stealing of the cattle 
from the Duke's train. 



TBIAL OF JOHN D. LEE. 377 

Howard — I will introduce the question I have to ask, hy 
asking you if you know anything about this subsequent com- 
pany — the Duke's company?' Yes, sir. 

What do you know about that? 01)jected to upon the 
ground that it relates to a matter subsequent to the crime as 
charged in the indictment. Question withdrawn. 

What conversation did you have with Mr. Lee, after the 
massacre? When I arrived at Harmony, John D. Lee was there. 

How long was this after the massacre at the Meadows? Only 
a few days. 

Where did you go from? I started from this city to Cedar 
City at my father's ranch. Where were you going? Going with 
the company to see them safe through the country. 

When you got to Harmon}^, did you see John D. Lee? Yes, 
sir. 

Did you have any conversation with him ? Yes, sir. 

What conversation? He asked me to take the company into 
the mountains in the Santa Clara, and that he would follow with 
the Indians and kill them. 

Did he tell you that he had authority to do that? No, sir; I 
said I would not do it. I said that I was sent to see the com- 
pany safely through the countr}^, and that I would do it or die. 
That there had been enough blood spilt at Mountain Meadows. 
He called me a great many names, and passed on. 

CrosL-Examined — You made up 'your mind, then, to die for 
the emigrants. Did you try to die for them at Mountain 
Meadows? No answer. 

Nephi Johnson recalled. 

Howard — By permission of counsel for defense I will ask 
one question. 
^ Bishop — Ask as many as you desire. 

Howard — How long have you known John D. Lee? Since 
1851. 

Do you identify the prisoner at the bar as the John D. Lee 
spoken of by the witnesses and in your own testimony? Yes, sir. 

Cross-examined — Where did j^ou live in 1851? Parowan, 
Iron County. 

What time did you go to Iron County, Parowan? In the 
Spring of '51. 

Where did you come from when you went there ? Came from 
Salt Lake Valley. 

Where did vou come from to Salt Lake? From Illinois. 



378 M0B3I0mSdI UNVEILED. 

What part? Knox County, Illinois. 

When did you leave Knox County, Illinois, for Salt Lake? I 
think it was in 1849. 

Then you have lived in Utah all the time since ? Yes, sir. 



The defendant introduced no witnesses, but rested his case 
upon the evidence that had been introduced by the prosecu- 
tion. 

The case was then argued for the prosecution by Howard and 
Denny, and for the defendant by Foster and Bishop. The 
Court instructed the jury at length. 

The jury, after a few hours' deliberation, returned a verdict 
of ''Guilty of murder in the first degree." 

A motion was afterwards made and argued for a new trial. 
The court overruled the motion, denied the application for a 
new trial, and sentenced Lee to be shot. 

The case was appealed to the Supreme Court of Utah Terri- 
tory, and argued in that Court by Hon. Frank Tilford and 
Sumner Howard for the people, and by Wm. W. Bishop for Lee. 

The Supreme Court sustained the judgment and sentence of 
the District Court, and ordered the District Court to fix a day 
for carrying the judgment into effect. The District Court again 
sentenced John D. Lee to be shot to death, and fixed the day 
for execution on March 23d, 1877. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

NAMES OF ASSASSINS CLAIMED BY LEE TO HAVE BEEN PARTICIPANTS 
IN THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE, OR PRIVY THERETO. 

''VT'AMES of those who were on the ground, and aiding in or 
-i-^ consenting to the killing of over one hundred and twenty 
men, women and children, at the Mountain Meadows. 

1. George Adair, Jr. 

2. Benjamin Arthur. 

3. Ira Allen, (dead.) Member of High Council of Church 
and City. 

4. Wm. Bateman, (dead.) Carrier of Flag of Truce. 

5. John W. Clark, (dead.) Lived at Washington, Utah. 

6. Thomas Cartwright, (dead.) Lived at Cedar City. Mem- 
ber City Council. 

7. E.Curtis. Captain of '' 10." Cedar City. 

8. Joseph Clews. Then of Cedar, now at Los Angelos, 
California. 

9. Jabez Durfey. Cedar City. 

10. Edwards. Cedar City. 

11. Columbus Freeman. Then of Cedar, now at Corn Creek, 
Utah. 

12. John M. Higbee. 1st Counselor to Isaac C. Haight, and 
Major of Iron Militia. In command at Massacre. 

13. Oscar Hamblin, (dead.) 

14. Charles Hopkins, (dead.) 

15. Wm. Hawley. Now residing in Fillmore, Utah Territory. 

16. John Hawley. (Died in Indian Nation.) 

17. Richard Harrison, of Pinto. Member of High Council of 
Church. 

18. George Hunter, of Cedar City. 

19. John Humphreys, of Cedar City. 

20. Samuel Jukes, of Cedar City. 
379 



.380 JI0B3I0XISJI UNVEILED. 

21. Nephi Johnson, of Cedar City. Indian Interpreter. 

22. Swen Jacobs, of Cedar Cit}^ 

23. John Jacobs, of Cedar City. 

24. Philip Khngensmith. Bishop of Church at Cedar City. 

25. Samuel Knight, of Cedar City. 

26. Knight. 

27. Dudley Leavitt, of Cedar City. 

28. A. Loveridge, of Cedar City. 

29. Daniel McFarland, of Cedar City. Son-in-law of Isaac C. 
Haight, and acting Adjutant at time of massacre. 

30. John McFarland. Attorney at law, St. George, Utah. 

31. James Matthews, (dead.) 

32. John Mangum, of Cedar City. 

33. Samuel McMurdy, of Cedar City. 1st Counselor to Bishop 
Khngensmith. Assisted in killing wounded. 

34. James Pearce, of Washington, Utah. 

35. Harrison Pearce, of Washington, Utah. 

36. Samuel Pollock, of Cedar City. 

37. Dan. C. Shirts, of Harmony, now of Potatoe Valley, Utah. 
Son-in-law of John D. Lee, and Indian Interpreter. 

38. William Slade, Sr., (dead,) of Cedar City. 

39. William Slade, Jr., of Cedar City. 

40. WiUiam C. Stewart, of Cedar City. 

41. Joseph Smith, of Cedar City. 

42. Arthur Stratton, of Virgin City. 

43. Tate, of Cedar City. Has since been a Captain of 

.militia. 

44. John Ure, of Cedar City. 

45. Joel White, of Cedar City. 

46. Elliott Wilden, of Cedar City. 

47. Robert Wiley, of Cedar City. 

48. Samuel White, of Cedar City. 

49. Alexander Wilden, of Cedar City. 

50. John Weston (dead), of Cedar City. 

51. Wm. Young (dead), of Washington, Utah, 

52. John D. Lee. Executed March 23, 1877. 

ACCESSORIES BEFORE THE FACT. 

WiLLiAai H. Dame, Bishop of the Church at Parowan, Col- 
onel of the Iron Military District, and first man in authority in 
Southern Utah. He orave orders to Isaac C. Haight to have the 



XA3IJES OF ASSASSINS. 381 

emigrants exterminated, and did not deny the same when ac- 
cused of it b}^ Haight on the field after the massacre, while ex- 
amining the dead bodies. 

Isaac C. Haight, President of that " Stake of Zion " at Ce- 
dar City, Utah Territory, Lieutenant Colonel of the Iron Milita- 
ry District — the man who directed Lee to see that the emigrants 
were exterminated. 

George A. Smith, one of the Twelve Apostles of the Church 
of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, who preached a crusade 
against all who were opposed to the Mormon Church, through 
the settlements in Southern Utah, immediately before the Moun- 
tain Meadows Massacre. (Now dead, or so reported). 

ACCESSORIES AFTER THE FACT. 

Brigham Young, to whom John D. Lee made a full report of 
the massacre, giving names of persons engaged in the crime, 
and every fact within his knowledge, in less than a month after 
the same was committed. 

The man who said " God had shown him that the massacre 
was right." 

The man who ordered John D. Lee to keep the whole thing 
secret. 

The man who pretended to aid Judge Cradlebaugh to discover 
the guilty parties, and while pretending to do so was preaching 
at Cedar City and elsewhere that damnation would be the fate of 
all who presumed to give evidence against the brethren who had 
committed the crime. 

The man who gave oflSces and concubines to John D. Lee and 
Jsaac C. Haight, as a reward for their acts at the massacre. 

The man who controls the every act of the Mormon people 
and makes slaves of his followers. 

The man who teaches the doctrine of Blood Atonement as a 
religious duty to be performed by the faithful Latter-Day Saints. 

The»man who assumes that he does nothing except by direct 
authority from Heaven. 

The greatest criminal of the Nineteenth Century ! 

Daniel H. Wells, the man who has done everything that he 
could possibly do to carry out the will of Brigham Young and 
defeat the United States officers in their attempts to enforce the 
laws of the United States. The man who directed the witnesses 
that it was the will of God, as made known through Brigham 



:382 M0B3I0NISM UNVEILED. 

Young, the Prophet, Priest and Revelator under the New Dis- 
pensation, that John D. Lee must be convicted, but that no evi- 
dence should be given that would implicate any others of the 
brethren who aided in the butchery at Mountain Meadows. 

Next. Every Mormon who has tried to screen the guilty per- 
petrators from punishment, among whom may be named — 

George Q. Cannon, who disgraces the Government of Ihe 
United States by holding a seat as Delegate to Congress from 
the Territory of Utah, and who wrote many articles for publica- 
tion, in the vain effort to prove that the massacre was an Indian 
massacre, without help or advice from the Church. 

Lastly. All who pretend that John D. Lee, and those who as- 
sisted him in the massacre, acted contrary to the orders of the 
Mormon Priesthood. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE. 

JOHN D. LEE was executed on Mountain Meadows, Wash- 
ington County, Utah Territory, at the scene of the massacre, 
on the 23d day of March, 1877. 

As to the reasons which prompted him to act as he did during 
his lifetime, we have nothing to say. Judging from his Life and 
Confessions, and our personal acquaintance with him, we believe 
him to have been an honest man, but so blinded by religious 
fanaticism and faith in his corrupt Church leaders, that his moral 
vision was perverted, and he committed crimes under the orders of 
his superiors, believing that he was doing right and working for the 
glory of God. It appears from his writings that he was used by 
Joe Smith, Brigham Young and other Mormon leaders, from the 
time that he became a member of the Church, as a tool to per- 
form their dirty work, and when he was worn out and could no 
longer be of any service to them, they sacrificed him with as 
little compunction of conscience as a carpenter would throw away 
an old worn-out saw or chisel. 

The only wonder is that Lee, who was an intelligent man, 
would allow himself to be so often and so grossly deceived, and 
still repose confidence in his leaders. The answer to this is, that 
he had the utmost faith — a fanatical faith — in the truth of the 
Mormon rehgion, and believed that no other doctrine would en- 
able him to attain immortality and future happiness. In addi- 
tion to this, he had married a number of wives, who had borne 
him children, for all of whom he seems to have entertained a 
warm, fatherly affection ; and if he had left the Mormon Church 
the law would have compelled him to give up all his wives ex- 
cept the first one, and his children would have been branded as 
bastards. His Ufe, too, would have been in danger from his for- 
mer associates, as he says himself, and they would either have 
383 



384 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

'^ blood atoned" him or reported his crimes to the civil authori- 
ties and secured his conviction. 

All these reasons kept him in the Church, and while there he 
felt that it was his duty, to himself, his family, and his God, to 
obe}^ his rulers and those who were in authority over him. 

The rulers of the Mormon Church teach their deluded follow- 
ers that they are inspired men ; that they act by direct authority 
from God, and that disobedience to their orders is rebellion 
against God. Thej^ also teach that those who carr}^ out their 
orders in the commission of murders and other crimes, are 
only instruments to perform the will of God, and are not respon- 
sible for the sins which they commit in obeying the orders of 
their inspired rulers. 

It is hard to believe that people of any intelligence whatever, 
could be so shamefully deceived, but when men and women are 
thoroughly imbued with religious fanaticism, they are capable of 
believing or doing almost anything, provided it is sanctioned by 
a " thus sayeth the Lord " from the lips of some " holy " man or 
prophet, pretending to have his authority from revelation. 
Christianity itself furnished too many sickening examples of 
this kind a few centuries ago. 

Thus John D. Lee was led on, step by step, from one crime ta 
another, until his leaders had made all the use of him they 
could, and then they sacrificed him to a felon's death, in order 
to save themselves and cover up the sins of the Church. 

On Wednesday preceding the day fixed upon for the execu- 
tion, the guard having Lee in charge started from Beaver City, 
where Lee had been imprisoned, for Mountain Meadows, where 
it had been decided to carry the sentence into execution. 

The party consisted of United States Marshal, William Nel- 
son, a military guard, the prisoner, District Attorney Howard, a 
few newspaper correspondents, and about twenty private citi- 
zens. 

The authorities had received information that an attempt to 
rescue Lee would be made by his sons and a body of his per- 
sonal friends, and precautions were taken to prevent the success 
of any such attempt. The place of execution was kept a pro- 
found secret, except with the Marshal and a few trusted friends, 
and a strong guard was procured. Lee either knew nothing 
about the intended attempt at rescue, or else he placed no con- 
fidence in it, for he uttered no word or expression to indicate 



EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE, 3S5 

that he had any hope. He was cheerful and resigned to his 
late, and seemed to have' but little dread of death. 

The party reached Mountain Meadows about ten o'clock 
Friday morning, and after the camp had been arranged, Lee 
pointed out the various places of interest connected with the 
massacre, and recapitulated the horrors of that event. 

A more dreary scene than the present appearance of Mountain 
Meadows cannot be imagined. The curse of God seems to 
have fallen upon it, and scorched and withered the luxuriant 
grass and herbage that covered the ground twenty years ago. 
The Meadows have been transformed from a fertile valley into 
an arid and barren plain, and the superstitious Mormons assert 
that the ghosts of the murdered emigrants meet nightly at the 
scene of their slaughter and re-enact in pantomime the horrors 
of their massacre. 

The ground is cut up into deep gullies, and the surface is 
covered with sage brush and scrub oak. Meadows Spring, 
where the emigrants were encamped when they were first 
attacked, is situated at the lower part of the plain. At the time 
of the massacre this spring was on a level with the surrounding 
country, but it has since been washed out until it forms a ter- 
rible gulch some twenty feet in depth and eight or ten rods wide. 

About thirteen years ago. Lieutenant Price and a party of 
soldiers collected all the bones of the murdered emigrants that 
could be found on the field, and erected a monument of loose 
stones over them, on the banks of this ravine. The monument 
is about three feet high, oblong in shape, and some twenty feet 
in length. Many of the stones of which it was composed have 
fallen into the ravine, and the monument is in keeping with its 
surroundings — drearj'-, desolate and decaying. The curse rests 
upon the whole landscape. The Marshal's party removed some 
of the loose stones down to the level of the earth, but no trace of 
bones or human remains could be found. Decay and desolation 
mark everything. The accompanying illustration, engraved 
from a photograph taken a few minutes before Lee's execution, 
gives a correct view of the present appearance of the Meadows. 

To this dreary spot, the scene of one of the most revolting 
crimes that ever disgraced humanity, John D. Lee had been 
conveyed to bid farewell to Ufe and be suddenly hurled into the 
unknown realities of eternity. His sentence, doubtless, was 
just, but if so, what ought to be the fate of the men who coun- 
25 



386 MOBMOmSM UNVEILED. 

seled and commanded him to do what be did? Among the num- 
ber Brigham Young stands head and foremost, by reason of his 
position, and if the curse which rests upon the scene of the 
butchery does not follow him with the horrors of the damned 
fate is unjust. He proved himself a traitor to his faithful friend 
and slave, as well as a murderer at heart, and as sure as there is 
a God in Heaven just so sure will the curse of that crime come 
home to him. If the law should fail to reach him with its retri- 
butions, the ghost of John D. Lee will haunt his lecherous pillow 
and scorch his sleepless brain with visions of everlasting woe. 

As the party came to a halt at the scene of the massacre, 
sentinels were posted on the surrounding hills, to prevent a sur- 
prise, and preparations for the execution were at once begun. 

The wagons were placed in a line near the monument, and 
over the wheels of one of them army blankets were drawn, to 
serve as a screen or ambush for the firing party. The purpose 
of this concealment was to prevent the men composing the firing 
party from being seen by any one, there being a reasonable fear 
that some of Lee's relatives or friends might wreak vengeance 
upon his executioners. The rough pine boards for the coffin 
were next unloaded from a wagon, and the carpenters began to 
nail them together. Meanwhile Lee sat some distance awa}^, 
with Marshal Nelson, and quietly observed the operations going 
on around him. The civilians, and those specially invited as 
witnesses, were allowed to come within the military enclosure, 
but all others were required to station themselves at a consider- 
able distance to the east of the ravine. 

At 10:35, all the arrangements having been completed, Mar- 
shal Nelson began to read the c rder of the Court, and at its con- 
clusion he turned to Lee and said : 

'' Mr. Lee, if you have anything to say before the order of the 
Court is carried into effect, you can now do so.'* 

Lee replied : 

**I wish to speak to that man," pointing to the photographer, 
(James Fennemore), who was adjusting his camera near by, 
preparatory to taking the group of which Lee was the central 
figure. '' Come over here," said Lee, beckoning with his hand. 

"In a second, Mr. Lee," replied Mr. Fennemore, but it was 
more than a minute before he could comply with the request. 
Lee, observing that the artist was occupied with his camera, 
said: 



EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE. 387 

*' I want to ask a favor of you ; I want you to furnish my three 
mves each a copy," meaning the photograph about to be taken. 
" Send them to Rachel A., Sarah C. and Emma B." 

Hon. Sumner Howard, who was standing by the side of the 
instrument, responded for the artist, wliose head at the moment 
was covered by the hood as he was adjusting the camera: '' He 
says he will do it, Mr. Lee." 

Lee then repeated the names of his three wives carefully, say- 
ing to the artist, who had just approached him, "Please for- 
ward them — you will do this?" 

Mr. Fennemore responded affirmatively, at the same time shak- 
ing Lee by the hand. 

Lee then seemed to p^se himself involuntarily, and the pic- 
ture was taken. 

He then arose from his coffin, where he had been seated, and, 
looking calmly around at the soldiers and spectators, said, in an 
even and unexcited tone of voice : 

LAST WORDS OF JOHN D. LEE. 

"I have but little to say this morning. Of course I feel that 
I am upon the brink of eternity ; and the solemnities of eternity 
should rest upon my mind at the present. I have made out — or 
have endeavored to do so — a manuscript, abridging the history 
of my life. This is to be pubhshed. In it I have given my 
views and feelings with regard to all these things. 

''I feel resigned to my fate. I feel as calm as a summer 
morn, and I have done nothing intentionally wrong. My con- 
science is clear before God and man. I am ready to meet my 
Redeemer and those that have gone before me, behind the vail. 

"I am not and infidel. I have not denied God and his mer- 
cies. 

"I am a strong believer in these things. Most I regret is 
parting with my family ; many of them are unprotected and will 
be left fatherless." (Here he rested two or three seconds.) 
"When I speak of these things they touch a tender chord within 
me." (Here his voice faltered perceptibly.) "I declare my 
innocence of ever doing anything designedly wrong in all this 
affair. I used my utmost endeavors to save these people. 

"I would have given worlds, were they at my command, if I 
could have averted that calamity, but I could not do it. It 
went on. 



\ 



388 MOBMONISM UNVEILED. 

"It seems I have to be made a victim — a victim must be had,, 
and I am the victim. I am sacrificed to satisfy the feehngs — 
the vindictive feelings, or in other words, am used to gratify^ 
parties. 

"I am ready to die. I trust in God. I have no fear. Death 
has no terror. 

*'Not a particle of mercy have I asked of the court, the world,, 
or officials to spare my life. 

"I do not fear death, I shall never go to a worse place than I 
am now in. 

"I have said it to my family, and I will say it to-day, that the 
Government of the United States sacrifices their best friend. 
That is saying a great deal, but it is true — it is so. 

"I am a true believer in the gospel of Jesus Ctirist. I do not 
believe everything that is now being taught and practiced by 
Brigham Young. I do not care who hears it. It is my last 
word — it is so. I believe he is leading the people astray, down- 
ward to destruction. But I believe in the gospel that was taught 
in its purity by Joseph Smith, in former days. I have my rea- 
sons for it. 

''I studied to make this man's [Brigham Young] will my 
pleasure for thirty years. See, now, what 1 have come to this 
day! 

"I have been sacrificed in a cowardly, dastardly manner." 
(Lee enunciated this sentence with marked emphasis.) "I can- 
not help it. It is my last word — it is so. 

''Evidence has been brought against me which is as false as 
the hinges of hell, and this evidence was wanted to sacrifice me. 
Sacrifice a man that has waited upon them, that has wandered 
and endured with them in the days of adversity, true from the 
beginning of the Church ! And I am now singled out and am 
sacrificed in this manner ! What confidence can I have in such 
a man ! I have none, and I don't think my Father in heaven 
has any. 

''Still, there are thousands of people in this Church that are 
honorable and good-hearted friends, and some of whom are near 
to my heart. There is a kind of living, magnetic influence 
which has come over the people, and I cannot compare it to any- 
thing else than the reptile that enamors his prey, till it capti- 
vates it, paralyzes it, and it rushes into the jaws of death. I 



EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE. 38^ 

cannot compare it to anything else. It is so, I know it, I am 
satisfied of it. 

''I regret leaving my family; they are near and dear to me. 
These are things which touch my sympathy, even when I think 
of those poor orphaned children. 

*'I declare I did nothing designedly wrong in this unfortunate 
affair. I did everything in my power to save that people, but I 
am the one that must suffer. 

''Having said this I feel resigned. I ask the Lord, my God, 
if my labors are done, to receive my spirit." 

Lee ceased speaking at 10:50, a. m. He was then informed 
that his hour had come and he must prepare for execution. He 
quietly and coolly looked at the small group of spectators. He 
was still very calm and resigned. 

Rev. George Stokes, a Methodist minister who had accom- 
panied Lee as his spiritual adviser, then knelt on the ground and 
delivered a short prayer. The minister was deeply affected by 
the solemnity of the occasion, and was very earnest in his sup- 
plications. The prisoner listened attentively. 

At the conclusion of the prayer, Lee exchanged a few words 
with Mr. Howard and Marshal Nelson, saying to the latter: 

"I ask one favor of the guards — spare my limbs and centre 
my heart." 

He then shook hands with those around him, removed his 
overcoat and comforter, presenting the latter to Mr. Howard, 
and giving his hat to Marshal Nelson. 

The Marshal then bound a handkerchief over the prisoner's 
eyes, but at his request his hands were allowed to remain free. 

The doomed man then straightened himself up facing the 
firing party, as he sat on his coffin, clasped his hands over his 
head, and exclaimed: 

"Let them shoot the balls through my heart! Don't let them 
mangle my body!" 

The Marshal assured him that the aim would be true, and then 
stepped back. As he did so, he gave the orders to the guards : 

"Ready! Aim! Fire!" 

The five men selected as executioners promptly obej^ed. 
They raised their rifles to their shoulders, took deliberate aim at 
the blind-folded man sitting upright on his coffin, about twenty 
feet in front of them, and as the fatal word '•'JireJ'* rang oat 



390 M0BM0NI8M UNVEILED. 

clear and strong on the morning air, a sharp report was heard, 
and Lee fell back on his coflEin, dead and motionless. There was 
not a cry nor a moan nor a tremor of the body. 

There was a convulsive twitching of the fingers of the left 
band, which had fallen down by the side of the coffin, and the 
spirit of John D. Lee had crossed over the dark river and was 
standing before the Judge of the quick and the dead. 

His soul had solved the awful mystery, and the Cukse that 
hovers over Mountain Meadows had marked ''ONE*' upon its 
vlist of Retribution. 



THE END. 



"mi,« n«T««,««TTr««i4i, «P m;„.-„-:» 





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